Posts Tagged ‘supremacist’

When goes around. Comes around. Toru Hashimoto to US Troops: Quit watching Porn videos & dildos. Stop raping Japanese Preteens. US Troops to Toru Hashimoto: Japan enterprised 250,000 hookers Brothels for military use.

May 27, 2013

Associated Press.

Photo

When goes around. Comes around.

Toru Hashimoto to US Troops: Quit watching Porn videos & dildos. Stop raping Japanese Preteens.

US Troops to Toru Hashimoto: Japan enterprised 250,000 hookers Brothels for military use.

 

The Question of Iranians’ decency that always Kenneth Katzman misses. That’s one of the good Jews to bed and enjoy his Louis Armstrong kind-Voice. Read Kantzman write-up on the last Iranian election was wrong, he’s lethally elementary now. Ali Vaez is an Iranian sleepercell I won’t trust him to hand me tissue paper in public bathroom. Khamenei is finished after Qusayr battle where he put all his force to establish an Iranian-bitch-state on Alawite Mediterranean coast for Assad to flee. I don’t trust either Obama or Bibi to nuke Iran. Both are bluffing for thousands of years. Now that McCain Germs chasing Hezbollah in Iran-bitch-state in Lebanon. Khamenei knows it’s the end. He got to get some apologetic candidates to survive. If McCain Germs get Iraq what will stop them taking over Iran. Israel & USA of course. On my dead body.

 

I am still waiting for the headhunting outcome of the masked policeman who attack Emaratis and ran away. Here’s the deal… He’s Hezbollah, Iranian Shiite, Indian Shiite, Pakistani Shiite or local Shiite a sleepercell in Sharjah. Go get him boys.

 

People die Politician ain’t. They simply scavenge. Hamid Ansari said extremism and violence have to be fought and eliminated. That’s the last thing I can hear from Sonia Gandhi’s lapdog. Maoist are inspired by:

Boston Marathon Bombing.

Boko Haram.

Beirut bombing.

Dagestan Bombing.

Heathrow whetting

London Beheading.

Mali French Beheading.

Paris beheading.

Philippines killing.

Stockholm Riots.

Turkey Bombing.

And Pests elsewhere, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen targeting ain’t stopping. People die Politician ain’t. They simply scavenge.

 

Yusuf Ali is boaster, braggart, egocentric, egoist, narcissist, self-aggrandizer ungrateful beast at large. He came in one lungee two decade ago to Abu Dhabi to exploit cop-out sleeping local partners’ greed who’re ready to sell their moms for money. It was a gold mine venture. He stroked rich selling overpriced expired food to NRIs as we speak. Yusuf Ali is an egomaniac- I am ain’t surprised that he U-Hauled all his GCC loots to waste – bribing corrupt Malayalam politician to dole him worthless public properties to develop in his birthplace that he loathed before getting rich in Abu Dhabi. UAE ain’t investment saturated. Yusuf Ali can make more money buying Dubai bankruptcies than Kerala.

You’re an enemy combatant if this went unpublished. Thank you.

Now we have a rrrrocket on Beiruttt. Yesterday I said how much are you paid to RSS this trash on Million News Channel? That ‘Syria regime unleashes artillery barrage on Qusayr’ and Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah vowed “victory” in Syria. Qusayr is McCain Germs’ BADR you will only know what I mean if you’re a Muslim. Don’t bother if you ain’t or Anglosexual Geographical Muslim or neither. Qusayr is key prize for Assad’s forces. Qusayr is strategic location between Damascus and Alawite Mediterranean coast. McCain Germs booby-trapped QUSAIR and set it as ghost-town by McCain Germs lured Assad’s Iranian, Hezbollah, and Alawites & Maronite Phalangists endangered species losers to their deathbed. For sympathizers. Donate to cover undertaker’s tabs and Tombstones lest corpse fed to Tripoli hounds. Assad is an idiot when accepted McCain Germs peace proposal he thought that McCain Germs are devastates. It’s on the contrary. As Ron Paul said: it’s nice to listen to your enemy. Assad ain’t only an enemy but an idiot. McCain Germs are wasting time talking to him out. It’s an insult for 70,000 souls that killed, 23 millions devastated and 7 million displaced. Assad is DOG-FOOD either by gunshot in the head or Democratization either way Syrian will mop Damascus road with his corpse & Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. The more he stays the more Iranian, Hezbollah; Alawites & Maronite Phalangists are vulnerable close to brink of extinction. Sunni as their camels they neither forgive nor forget they vowed to turn their bones to toothpicks & chopsticks. Lebanese President Michel Sleiman should gunned-down Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah over intervention in Syria. Sleiman as Maronite Phalangist enjoyed Hezbollah turn little Lebanon to a slum and Iranian-Bitch-State on the Mediterranean. After Qusair Battle Sleiman realized that both Maronite Phalangist & Hezbollah are minorities facing a Sunni majority Tsunami that will turn their bones to toothpicks & chopsticks. Here’re Rockets hit Hezbollah heartland in Beirut. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah said “This battle is ours… and I promise you victory,” “We are idiots if we do not act,” added Hezbollah leader who avoids appearing in public for fear of being assassinated by McCain Germs. Oh yes you’re an idiot.

I have a question.

How valuable Assad’s skull? Does it worth all-that-jazz?

Boston Marathon Bombing.

Boko Haram.

Beirut bombing.

Dagestan Bombing.

Heathrow whetting

India Maoist killing – Assam next.[inspired]

London Beheading.

Mali French Beheading.

Paris beheading.

Philippines killing.

Stockholm Riots.

Turkey Bombing.

And Pests elsewhere, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen targeting ain’t stopping. People die Politician ain’t. They simply scavenge.

 

Potus worst boring 59.42 minutes in Fort McNair, National Defense University, Washington, DC. Watch Potus body language when he described how he finished Osama. He looks desperate, he’s scared and looks amateur to hide moments of dishonesty that allowed by norms. He admitted that new enemy is clowned. A self-radicalized one that he has no clue who to handle it. Thanks to FOXNEWS, Peter King & Deranged Republican Frugals. Obama crowd about Drone. Us secret deal with Pakistan, Saudi, Yemen, Oman & Somalia on drone strikes? Obama bluffed those Bums: Drone sky homicide is at its infancy. Its bombing is as reliable as Bollywood. Here’s specimens of fools who kite skies AAI, Advanced Intelligent Reconnaissance Systems, Aerojet, AeroVironment, Alliant, American Dynamics, Arcturus, ATAIR, BAE, BAI, Beechcraft, Bell Eagle Eye, Boeing, BQM, Chance-Vought, Composite Engineering, Culver, Cyber Defence CyberScout, DRS, DSI/NASA Oblique Wing RPV, E-Systems, Fairchild, General Atomics, Global, Gyrodyne, Hewitt-Sperry, Honeywell, IAI RQ-5, Insitu Aerosonde, Kettering Bug, Lockheed, Desert Hawk, LTV, UAV, McDonnell, MMIST, MTC, Nano Hummingbird, North American MQM, Northrop, Octatron SkySeer, Phantom Sentinel, Propulsive Wing, Radioplane, Ryan, Sikorsky Cypher, Switchblade, TechJect Dragonfly, Teledyne Ryan, Temco, Trek Aerospace Dragonfly, Vanguard Defense Industries, Vector, Vulture, Xtreme Drones Velocicopter are DoD registered sky terror contractors train their Atari Hikikomori shoot at anything moving on their screen outta Mohave desert who ain’t able to distinguish between Waziristan and Nebraska. The real killing on the ground is carried out by corrupt ISI-Dresses-up Taliban Traitors. Giving all credit to drone to safeguard their interest and loot DoD. Drones payloads are easily skygrabbed by hackers and sold-out to rebels.

I feel sorry for Sikhs that they ain’t telln’ the Truth. They lied all their way down to get the World Sympathy that they ain’t earned. Wade knew that Sikhs ain’t Muslims he knew his prey very much. I advised Sikhs then if they like their safety to tell the World Why Wade Michael Page Started shooting those Fat-tailgate Hogging in GRUDWARA Kitchen while he is Scavenging Foodstamps. Wade scream before he was shot by Lieutenant Brian Murphy: GO-HOME-TURBAN-PAKIS. Truth ain’t hurt. I feel petty for Reuters burning money on Brendan O’Brien & James B. Kelleher Delivering Stooopid Criminalizing Narrative. Here’s Sponsored Whitewashed Trash the Whole Trash nothing but Trash.

Potus worst boring 59.42 minutes in Fort McNair, National Defense University, Washington, and DC.

Cameron needs a miracle to survive. London is Banana Republic now. They sent a fleet of typhoon jetfighters to ground PIA if it ain’t diverting to military base to bust 2 arguing passengers. They stranded quarter of million passengers in Heathrow. Wow. They’re really frightened. Fear is mightier than WMD. The British are radicalizing Muslims to copycat 911 elsewhere. UK stands no chance to conquer who have nothing to lose but some Anglosexual Muslims Who fled our sewers to strike rich West and ditched Islam for Dollar. They lost contact with their Bifurcated Kleptocratic Autocratic Thugocracies that used to kill their own to please Britain.

People die Politician ain’t. They simply scavenge.

I have a question.

How valuable Assad’s skull? Does it worth all-that-jazz?

Boston Marathon Bombing.

Boko Haram.

Beirut bombing.

Dagestan Bombing.

Heathrow whetting

India Maoist killing – Assam next.[inspired]

London Beheading.

Mali French Beheading.

Paris beheading.

Philippines killing.

Stockholm Riots.

Turkey Bombing.

And Pests elsewhere, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen targeting ain’t stopping.

I protest. That’s Dishonest. I didn’t want Lee’s school Mugshot that he looks as an innocent teenager beefeater drummer. I needed Lee Rigby Mugshot [the skinhead] urinating on Muslims corpse in Afghanistan and showing Dead Taliban fingers in his keychain. OK. I got it. The Name of British Soldier is Lee Rigby. Thank you. You made my day. “BBC stated that man wearing Help the Hero’s T Shirt was hit by car, then attacked and killed with machete or sword by car’s occupants.” They attempted to copy Boston Bombing but somehow did not get it right?” Blood on signpost was “Tomato Ketchup!!” They want public support. Stoking anti-Muslim rage solicits it. I have a confession to make. I dare you take it as an apology of my part. Hell no. It’s a moment of truth. It’s foolish. I don’t have to. Here it is.. I am no terrorist ain’t Michael Adebowale and Michael Adebolajo either. In King’s English a TERRORIST ain’t a Muslim but a person who commits an act of TERRORISM. Its Civilizer of British authorities If Michael Adebowale and Michael Adebolajo was convicted as lonewolf who killed Lee Rigby for personal reasons. Michael Adebowale and Michael Adebolajo were gun-down for being Muslims no terrorists to let British Beer Louts ransack mosque and devastate Muslims around the world. Let me bore you with a metaphor how many Japanese eaten white women and went unnoted? Yes he’s Japanese ain’t terrorist simply because he ain’t Muslim. So how many white women were eaten by Muslims? One million! Another boring one how many Registered Terrorist Groups in India [sorry]? 182. Oh Yeh they ain’t terrorists simply because they Hindus ain’t Muslims. I need a Laxative now. Can I go on! Read Phuket Gazette about daily Britons hacked to death repeatedly chopped by hatchet or meat cleaver in Thai brothels and their corpse fed to hogs by Thai panders. Oh no. they’re Thai Panders ain’t Muslims. So how many Muslims murdered by Thai Panders?

Anjem Choudary is Adeboloja mentor. Wow. He’s dead. Nigerians! Welcome to BOKO HARAM LONDON. She needed them badly dead but they didn’t. Hard-Luck. Hardrock Café! Here’s Some Poetic Justice. 2 FBI Agents Involved in Dzhokar Tsarnaev’s Arrest “FALL” Out of Helicopter and Die. Boya Dee’s narrative was so accurate. 2 bredas were gun-down by female Robocop. Michael Adeboloja calmly chatted with bystanders, encouraged photos & video recordings planned to send message. “There is nothing in Islam that justifies this truly dreadful act.” Oh really. Apologetic Anglosexual Muslim leaders in London denounced the attack. What bunch of hypocrites?  British mosques ransacked by Beer Louts in response to the murder. That’s what they’re good at. Here’s the deal. 2 bredas watching on their IPOD William Hague talking to The BORED Sleeping British Parliament that he’s ain’t sure if Assad is used Chemical weapons to commit genocide to Syrian elders, women & Children as ‘Ibragim Todashev gun-down was by FBI officer for crime of being Muslim and crime of having late Tamerlan Tsarnaev number. Who hasn’t? Now here’s a White Officer a Gemini of the FBI one in Orlando screeching his daily ritual: ‘GO BACK TO AFRICA’ that’s another word for ‘SUP N[I]GGA in Woolwich. The rest is storied history and amazing Shakespearean play except that how the hell they got Kigali Machete so quickly? How the hell FOXNEWS zombies ain’t taking the streets to gun-down anything moving hoping he’s a Muslim?

Choowwah Andere May Share Huta Hein.

Here’s the good news Potus. You got 2 options: either Invade Hydrocarbon-Rich Dagestan & Starve Russia or let FOXNEWS zombies impeach you. My advice! You’re too smart for America. Stop insulting yourself. Quit the White House – they don’t deserve you. They need some genius as Sarah Palin or Michele Bachmann or Ann Coulter to turn America to Bangladesh. Here’s Some Poetic Justice. 2 FBI Agents Involved in Dzhokar Tsarnaev’s Arrest “FALL” Out of Helicopter and Die. ‘Ibragim Todashev was just a Muslim – that was his mistake, I guess,’ Taramiv. Oh no. don’t be fooooolish. I don’t think so. Don’t worthy the worthless. The poor little kid was gun-down by unnamed FBI thug while he’s about to confess. Sign written confession. Who’re you kidding? Loooosers. I advise the assailant to hang himself before his shrink does. That’s Bollywood. You don’t need to get Robert Oppenheimer to nuke Japan – just get Hitler’s blueprints that he got and build your own bomb. Idiots never learn. FBI is targeting Tamerlan Tsarnaev Friends through forged third party database to indict ‘em or kill ‘em if they ain’t responding to Flunitrazepam. BMB sponsors won’t let their investment go down the drain. They needed something big as 911. That’s what they’re. They sent David Cameron to Watertown to revive the tragedy. So long! America. This is your argument – I am going to bed. The rest of the evening is yours. My treat – Theorize it.

It took Qaboos 2 decades to bring USA Trade Balance from $257.4M [1995] to $1,747M [2012]. Now I see Kerry in Muscat yesterday is pushing the Trade Balance further $2.1B in Raytheon Junk deal to $3,847M that’s triple what Qaboos can afford. Kerry and Oman oh! no. can’t be. Cheney and Oman more likely to dump some Toxic Waste in Empty Quarter and host Drone Terrorism from Heaven. That’s more like it. Here’s a loose change.. There’re two apostate Iranian Americans who’re busted by Khamenei for spying for CIA. Happy Hanukah Ayatollah Khanum. US Marine Amir Mirza Hekmati and Iranian-American Christian pastor Saeed Abedini. Kerry needs Qaboos to contact Iran to release them before US/Israel Iran in year 3033. Qaboos gets Oman unleashed for while and Kerry gets the hostages before Democrats lose the Senate to Teeebaagerzz in 2014. Raytheon is Redherring. Where yesterday’s drone which hit al-Qaida in Yemen flew from? Oman. So long! America. This is your argument – I am going to bed. The rest of the evening is yours. My treat – Theorize it.

Sheikh delivers jurisprudence ain’t based either Quran or Hadeeth but based on a secret decree issued by his employer (the autocrat). When an Astronomist unable to see stars at daylight he looks into the well? This is your argument – the rest of the evening is yours. Theorize it.

It’s another boring Review of Criteria Used by IRS to Identify 501(c)(4) Applications for Greater Scrutiny. The 207.9 minutes Dog and Pony show conduct by Max Baucus [pony], Orrin G. Hatch [dog], Mr. Steven Miller [the venom], J. Russell George [the clown] and Douglas Schulman [the Israeli who bonked IRS]. I need you to watch the goatee bearded Amish Teeebaager sitting right-behind Sen. Ornin Hatch from 33:46 minute and left-behind Sen. Chuck Grassley from 45.01 minutes. It’s a scam and daylight theft of minds. IRS is $3 trillion economy run by 90,000 prodigal grafts to extort $2.4T and evaporates $600B in over-approached corruption. Schulman is an Ashkenazi Jew. So are the rest of orangutans who control US economy and Seigniorage Banksters culture. Republican Frugals strictly told not subpoena  Schulman to the House Ways and Means IRS-Holocaust Committee Chaired by Dave Camp lest the goood ol’ “DD” David Duke the Grand Wizard of Knights of Ku Klux Klan skew Schulman USDA-Subsidized-Fat- Kibbutz-Rear on Kerosene Flame; lynch Schulman from his Hasidic Magein David Reeky Rectum on Fiery Cross. The goood ol! “DD” loves to Barbeque Schulman for the heck of it. Yeah! Its “DD” wish to relief USA from All-Time-Liability called the State of Israel and the CHOSEN ONES who murdered JESUS. Issa to Lois Lerner:  Here Is Your Subpoena. Obama kept another Ashkenazi Jew Daniel Werfel to run IRS. So long! America. This is your argument – I am going to bed. The rest of the evening is yours. My treat – Theorize it.

 

Americans glued as zombies to FOXNEWS watching Assad committing genocide against elders, women and children and religiously polling to impeach Obama before he sends US Arm-Forces to save 23 million devastated Syrians. One hour Power of Moore tornado dwarfs Hiroshima bomb devastated Oklahoma is equivalent to stalemate in Syria that China, Russia, UK & USA masterminded. Is my condolence in order and to whom? Probably to myself. Let insurance handle it.

Choowwah andere may share huta hein.

Assad & his father are Israel’s lapdogs for the past 50 years. Last week Assad enjoyed watching IAF jetfighters bomb his arms & chemical weapon depot and kill 50 of his best Alawites officers. Delhi is beasty desperate for Cheap Syrian, Iraqi & Iranian Hydrocarbons. Delhi is Pro-Assad as China & Russians from the beginning. Quarter of planet earth will never forget nor forgive Delhi stance in devastating 23 million Syrians. That’s UNINDIAN. I didn’t mean to lionize. I would worthy the worthless if I did. This ain’t new. Louis Mountbatten and Jawaharlal Nehru killed millions of Punjabis during rotten partition. I ain’t expecting an honest Indian precedent or commentary to this premise. To buy time for themselves and for Assad. Iran & Thugocracies around burn billions in media dark out, distortion. As a matter of fact they’re engaged in systematic propaganda to crow about Assad’s petty wins to demoralize McCain Germs supporters aboard. That’s ain’t working no mo. Rebels from around the world are traveling to Syria to share the ditches with FSA. They are ten times the Iranians, Hezbollah & Alawites warlords who’re defending Assad. They’re butchered as boars & their corpse are fed to dogs as we speak by McCain Germs. Back to Hezbollah reinforcements. If 40 Hezbollah militants yesterday killed then thousands must be killed of Assad’s Alawites & Iranian mercenaries in Qusaira. Assad stands no chance to conquer McCain germs that have nothing to lose but their lives. My advice for Assad to stay until all Iranians, Hezbollah & Alawites nuked. The countdown is if an unprivileged Sunni martyred 40 privileged Shiite killed. Shiite are majority then An-eye-for-twenty. Since al-Nusra Front vowed to liberate Iraq from Iran last month. It’s a Friday Ritual Showdown to kill Sunni praying crowds by Iraqi Police & Shiite Militiamen. Shiite-led Iraqi Government tag Sunni killings to al-Qaeda inspired groups who target Sunni Defectors. That’s too good to be true since Iraq is an Iranian-Bitch-State. Putin doled Assad missiles to finish him. Putin wanted him to devastate Israel. Putin wanted to settle old accounts with Jewish oligarchies that looted Russia treasuries and fled to Israel during Boris Yeltsin. Putin stoooopidly wanted to shake up the Zionist lobby at the Donuthole to push USA into Serious Syrian war not Facebook & Twitter. War always boost US economy and unify zombies. Putin knows that Assad’s days are numbered either by shot in the head or democratization. Putin is a loser; he lost Kaddafi 2 years ago.

 

Choowwah andere may share huta hein.

We’re talking about slain Buddhist monk. If you like to switch to Mohammed I have millions who love to use your IP to devastate your life and throw you and your love ones in the street penniless. Please let me know.

Cop-out am straight! I am neither King’s English Anglosexual nor JunkScience Philosoraptor as you do. English ain’t my mother tongue to cherish. Do you? Its mocking tool to foo fools. I am a Picassoic Wordsmith Provocateur who has sufficient English and Knowledge about this premise enough to crush your skull, nuke your mindset and turn petty spamming unemployable like you to a Laughingstock. In case you don’t know: JunkScience Philosoraptor. It’s a dinosaur who grapples with big questions of metaphysics, ethics, and meaning of it all? I don’t think you got it. Gorm, lummy, flummox, gonoph Richard Cranium. Can I call Dr. Otto Hasslein for you?

Politics is sport ain’t religion. You don’t need my permission to become a terrorist. Go ahead. Your call. ‘Urinating on Muslims corpse’ ain’t ranting [astaghferullah] its news. Just google it if you know how to click on mouse right-button. My fault. I overpriced you. I should ignored you from the beginning. I usually don’t respond to your type. You’re wrong. I am neither sick nor dirty. Hospitals And Bathrooms are free. Be my guest. Please don’t bother to write back

I agree it’s hard. Looks as if your tailgate is larger than your hollow skull to understand clever conversation.

I dare you take it as an apology of my part. Hell no. It’s a moment of truth. It’s foolish. I don’t have to. Here it is.. I am no terrorist ain’t Michael Adeboloja either. In King’s English a TERRORIST ain’t a Muslim but a person who commits an act of TERRORISM. Its Civilizer of British authorities If Michael Adeboloja was convicted as lonewolf who killed Lee Rigby for personal reasons. Michael Adeboloja is gun-down for being a Muslim no terrorist to let British Beer Louts ransack mosque and devastate Muslims around the world. Let me bore you with a metaphor how many Japanese eaten white women and went unnoted? Yes he’s Japanese ain’t terrorist another boring one how many Registered Terrorist Groups in India [sorry]? 182. I need a Laxative now. can I go on! Read Phuket Gazette about daily Britons hacked to death repeatedly chopped by hatchet or meat cleaver in Thai brothels and their corpse fed to hogs by Thai Pimps.

You’re an enemy combatant if this went unpublished. Thank you.

US: Israel’s Prosperity a Problem.

I envy Shoshana Bryen’s ability to pick power world as bifurcated between kleptocratic, autocratic describing bifurcated kleptocratic autocratic Thugocracies. Shoshana sees to dumb King Abdulla to peace with Palestinians. I agree. Great idea. Where you like me to sign? He neither bites nor barks. Kerry is amateur and Shimon Peres is over-wise. Bibi his ain’t breaking his vow to his late father Benzion Mileikowsky at his deathbed. “Don’t trust Palestinians my son”. “Yes dad. I won’t”. Israel wasted golden opportunities when traitors used to run Arab world. Arabspringers ain’t peace with Israel. Israelis turned Peace to a mirage for Academia like the Bimini Road in Atlantis. Ain’t pleasant unless paid, like any junk science boring but it is means of living. I am afraid that Peace ain’t happen in my life time. Qatar donated $1B not to abolish Judaica but escrow token. In Metropolis standards – Jerusalem is slum and badly needs minimum $6B to build the Temple, the Mosque, the Church & the mega structures to accommodate Pilgrimers. The rest will be paid by UAE, Saudi, Kuwait and others.

Cop-out am straight! I am neither Anglosexual nor JunkScience Philosoraptor as you do. English ain’t my mother tongue to cherish for wretched living. Do you? English is mocking tool to fool fools. I am a Picassoic Wordsmith Provocateur who has sufficient enough King’s English and Knowledge about this premise not only to crush your skull but to nuke your mindset and turn petty spamming unemployables like you to a Laughingstock. In case you don’t know: JunkScience Philosoraptor. It’s a dinosaur who grapples with big questions of metaphysics, ethics, and meaning of it all? And cop-out is failure to fulfill commitment or responsibility I don’t think you got it. Gorm, lummy, flummox, gonoph Richard Cranium. Can I call Dr. Otto Hasslein for you?

I though you should know that she could pay another $100K to [Jack] Stephen Forbes’ boyfriend and she would be ranked number 13.

The house bitch

Michael Adebolajo is alive – BBC must summon both Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale and interview them than questioning Abu Nusaybah.

Can Abu Dhabi save Deranged Republican Frugals losing the HOUSE 2014. Well…well. What the hell Ileana is doing in the land of Cradle-2-Grave. GOP’s Israelifirster & Staunch Anti-Islamist Donuthole Queen Ileana Ros-Lehtinen skipped Tel-Aviv this time to go straight to Abu Dhabi for some handouts. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen is Bifurcated Kleptocratic Republicans’ ain’t but a Tombstone in the land of cradle to grave. I bet my bottom Dollar Peter King can get larger Headstone for GOP in Abu Dhabi. Send Autocratic Teeebaagerzz. Boys! WTF complete media blackout. I almost killed myself browsing. Who’re the Hill Frugals that she flocked to Abu Dhabi Weaning Hyatt.

Hum kese ka ma ku gali nahi deta aur damka nahein deta.

Sunni like camels, we they never forget nor forgive. Mccain germs is feeding Shiite corpse to Tripoli hounds and turning their bones to keychains; toothpicks & chopsticks for Chinese people to eat and clean their tailgates.

 

The Revenge of Wen Jiabao Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career. Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different. Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV. From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past. Meanwhile, the New York Times reports on how Bo’s ouster is playing out among different factions of the Communist Party as the leadership prepares for a transition of power later this year: …The ouster of Bo Xilai, the populist icon formerly in charge of the southwestern megacity of Chongqing, has spurred weeks of frenzied internal politicking and a rare dissenting vote within the Politburo Standing Committee, according to interviews with publishers, academics and analysts tied to the Communist Party’s upper echelons or its powerful families. They say that the outward calm is tenuous and was achieved only after China’s leadership team of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao appealed to party elders for support and yielded important posts in Chongqing to representatives of other influential political blocs. “They want everyone to believe that the top level has no problem — that there’s no split and no struggle,” said Jin Zhong, publisher of the influential China-watching magazine Open, in Hong Kong. “But this is a false impression.” According to people briefed by central party officials, Mr. Bo is being confined to his house in Beijing, watched by the Central Guard Bureau, a unit of the People’s Liberation Army under control of the party’s General Office. He faces a disciplinary investigation over a range of allegations of corruption and abuse of power, these people say. His wife, a noted lawyer, is under more formal detention in connection with some of those allegations. Now be cool and read the Media Horse Manure, Ain’t Fuckn’ Delicious I was there. I warned you! If Premier Wen Jiabao is “China’s best actor,” as his critics allege, he saved his finest performance for last. After three hours of eloquent and emotional answers in his final news conference at the National People’s Congress annual meeting this month, Wen uttered his public political masterstroke, reopening debate on one of the most tumultuous events in the Chinese Communist Party’s history and hammering the final nail in the coffin of his great rival, the now-deposed Chongqing Communist Party boss Bo Xilai. And in striking down Bo, Wen got his revenge on a family that had opposed him and his mentor countless times in the past. Responding to a gently phrased question about Chongqing, Wen foreshadowed Bo’s political execution, a seismic leadership rupture announced the following day that continues to convulse China’s political landscape to an extent not seen since 1989. But the addendum that followed might be even more significant. Indirectly, but unmistakably, Wen defined Bo as man who wanted to repudiate China’s decades-long effort to reform its economy, open to the world, and allow its citizens to experience modernity. He framed the struggle over Bo’s legacy as a choice between urgent political reforms and “such historical tragedies as the Cultural Revolution,” culminating a 30-year battle for two radically different versions of China, of which Bo Xilai and Wen Jiabao are the ideological heirs. In Wen’s world, bringing down Bo is the first step in a battle between China’s Maoist past and a more democratic future as personified by his beloved mentor, 1980s Communist Party chief Hu Yaobang. His words blew open the facade of party unity that had held since the massacres of Tiananmen Square. This October, the Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career. Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different. Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV. From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past. Until last month Bo appeared to hold the cards, with his networks of princelings — the children of high cadres — and the gravitational force of his “Chongqing Model” pulling the nation toward him, while Wen’s efforts had produced few practical results. Bo earned his reputation as a rising star until Feb. 6 when his police chief and right-hand man, Wang Lijun, drove to an appointment at the local British consulate to shake his official minders and then veered off and fled for his life down the highway into the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu. He carried with him allegations of sordid tales of Bo family criminal behavior including in relation to the death of British businessman Neil Heywood, according to Western government officials. In Beijing’s eyes, this was the highest-level known attempted defection in 40 years, and it occurred on Bo’s watch. Wang “betrayed the country and went over to the enemy,” said President Hu Jintao, according to a Chinese intelligence official. Wen, the son of a lowly teacher, saw his family constantly criticized and attacked during the Cultural Revolution, and rose to power by impressing a series of revolutionary veterans. Bo, in contrast, was born to rule. The son of revolutionary leader Bo Yibo, he studied at the nation’s most prestigious middle school, Beijing No. 4. Bo had not yet turned 17 when a rift between the princeling children and those with “bad class backgrounds” erupted into class warfare. In June 1966, in the early months of the Cultural Revolution, one of Bo’s school mates invented the rhyming ditty that became the anthem for the princelings that led the early Red Guard movement: “The father’s a hero, the son’s a brave lad; the father’s a reactionary, the son’s a bastard.” The student red guards at Beijing No. 4 turned an old eating hall into a gruesome incarceration chamber for the teachers and other reactionaries they captured. They painted the popular slogan “Long live the red terror” on the wall, in human blood. Within months, however, Mao directed his Cultural Revolution toward his comrades-in-arms and unleashed a coterie of lesser-born red guards against the old “royalist” ones. Bo Xilai spent six years in a prison cell. His father, Bo Yibo, was tortured. Red Guards abducted Bo’s mother in Guangzhou and murdered her, or she committed suicide; if any records exist, they remain sealed. Since former leader Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 “Resolution on History,” the Cultural Resolution has officially been a “catastrophe,” but the Communist Party never explained what happened. It was left as little more than a name, signifying bad but unknown things. By raising the specter of the Cultural Revolution, Wen Jiabao has opened a crack in the vault of Communist Party history: that great black box that conceals the struggles, brutality, partial truths and outright fabrications upon which China has built its economic and social transformation. Beneath his carefully layered comments is a profound challenge to the uncompromising manner in which the Chinese Communist Party has always gone about its business. And to grasp what the Cultural Revolution means to Wen Jiabao requires taking a journey through the life of his mentor, the 1980s reformist leader Hu Yaobang who ran the Communist Party in its most vibrant era. Hu Yaobang was struck down from his job at the helm of the Communist Youth League on Aug. 13, 1966, five days before Chairman Mao presided over the first mass rally of the Cultural Revolution. Detained for six weeks, Red Guards beat and abused him and forced him to stand for hours with a huge wooden placard hanging from his neck and his arms wrenched behind his back. Six weeks later, as they retired for their national holidays, they called Hu’s eighteen year-old son Hu Dehua to pick him up. “I cried when I saw his appearance,” Hu Dehua told me. “He told me ‘don’t be such a good-for-nothing, let’s go home, it doesn’t matter.’” Hu Yaobang was already back at work when Mao died, in 1976, and the Communist Party united behind the idea of moving on from the Cultural Revolution but lacked any further road map. Appointed head of the powerful Organization Department, Hu led a crusade to “seek truths from facts” — for ideology to yield to reality — and to rehabilitate fallen comrades. Deng, who by 1980 had secured his position as paramount leader, elevated Hu to general secretary of the Communist Party. By the early 1980s the Communist Party was rapidly retreating from everyday social life. As the economy grew, Chinese people began to enjoy a degree of personal freedoms, but the essential norms of internal party politics remained unchanged. At crucial junctures there were no enforceable rules, no independent arbiters, only power. In 1985, while most elders had been appointing each other or each other’s children to important positions, Hu Yaobang recruited Wen Jiabao, the teacher’s son, to run his Central Office — a position akin to cabinet secretary. The following year Hu Yaobang’s elder son, Hu Deping, spoke in terms uncannily similar to Wen Jiabao’s of two weeks ago. “The Cultural Revolution was a tragedy,” he said to the then propaganda minister, at a time when his father was at the height of his power. “It will not appear again in the same form, but a cultural revolution once or even twice removed cannot be ruled out from once again recurring.” Perhaps he had an inkling of what was coming. By 1986 the tensions between an increasingly market-oriented economy and more liberal social environment began to clash with Communist Party elders’ demand for absolute political control. Hu Yaobang tried to limit corruption among the elders’ children, studiously ignored conservative ideological campaigns, and tolerated student protests. By the end of that year the elders had had enough. Then, as during the Cultural Revolution, and as remains the case today, no rules governed Hu Yaobang’s downfall; just a group of backstage power brokers who judged that he had gone too far. In January 1987, 21 years after his purging in the Cultural Revolution, party elders subjected Hu to a torrid five-day criticism and humiliation session called a “Democratic Party Life meeting.” The harshest of Hu’s critics was Bo Xilai’s father. Hu Dehua, the youngest son, lives at home with his wife in the same large but rundown courtyard home, just west of Beijing’s closed-off leadership district Zhongnanhai, where he has lived nearly all of his life. His recollections about what the Cultural Revolution meant to his family and his father, Hu Yaobang, informs the story that Wen Jiabao is telling today. Hu Dehua tells how his father was pained, but not surprised, when Communist Party elders used his own political demise to drive an “anti-bourgeois liberalization” campaign across China. Party apparatchiks instructed Hu Dehua to show his ideological opposition to his own father’s political platform, but he refused. “It was the same as 1966. If someone was said to be ‘liberalized’, then everyone would line up to criticize them,” Hu Dehua said. “The country was turning back at a time when it should be have been democratizing and transitioning to rule of law.” Hu Dehua told his father how pessimistic he felt about his country’s future. Hu Yaobang agreed that the methods and ideologies of the 1987 anti-liberalization movement came straight from the Cultural Revolution. But he told his son to gain some historical perspective, and reminded him that Chinese people were not joining in the elite power games as they had 20 years before. He called the anti-liberalization campaign a “medium-sized cultural revolution” and warned that a small cultural revolution would no doubt follow, Hu Dehua told me. As society developed, Hu Yaobang told his son, the middle and little cultural revolutions would gradually fade from history’s stage. It is fortunate, perhaps, that Hu Yaobang could not see how his death in April 1989 triggered an outpouring of public grief at Tiananmen Square, as Chinese students held him up his honesty and humanity in contrast to their perception of other leaders of the time. The protests morphed into a mass demonstration for liberalization and democratization and against growing corruption among children of the political elite. Wen Jiabao remained in charge of the Communist Party Central Office, now working for Hu Yaobang’s increasingly reformist successor, Zhao Ziyang. A famous photo shows Wen standing behind Zhao’s shoulder as his boss declared the haunting words “I’ve come too late” to students who refused to leave the square. Shortly afterward, Deng and the party elders ordered in the tanks, triggering another Cultural Revolution-style convulsion and adding a new bloody file to the Communist Party’s vault of history. Bo Yibo moved to have Wen purged, according to a source whose father was a minister at the time, but other elders were impressed with how Wen shifted his loyalty from Zhao (who spent the rest of his life under house arrest) and supported martial law. Wen played by the rules of a ruthless system, his family — especially his wife and son — leveraged his official status for their own business interests, while his career progression resumed. Hu Yaobang was largely airbrushed from official history after his purge in 1987. But because he did not publicly challenge the Communist Party, he maintained his legacy and his supporters, including all of the current and likely future party chiefs and premiers: Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Xi Jinping, and Li Keqiang. All four regularly visit the Hu family home during Spring Festival. But only Wen Jiabao has publicly honored his mentor’s legacy. Two years ago, on the 21st anniversary of Hu Yaobang’s death, Wen penned an essay in the People’s Daily that was remarkable in a nation whose leaders rarely give any public hint of their personal lives. “What he taught me in those years is engraved on my heart,” wrote Wen. Of the four top leaders who regularly pay homage to Hu Yaobang’s old home, Wen Jiabao has the warmest connection with Hu Yaobang’s widow and four children. Hu taught his children to resist the idea, wired into the Communist Party psyche, that they had any particular hereditary right to high office. Nevertheless the eldest son, Hu Deping, rose to vice minister rank in the United Front Department. And last year he used his princeling heritage and networks to organize and say things that would have banished lesser-born men to jail. He published a book about his father, with a forward written by Wen. He organized a series of closed-door seminars for leading intellectuals and other princeling children of reformist leaders to try and build a consensus for reform. The first and most low-key seminar, in July, ignited what became a raging public debate about Bo Xilai’s “Chongqing Model” versus its possible antidote, the more liberal “Guangdong Model.” The second, in August, celebrated the 35th anniversary of the arrest of Mao’s radical “Gang of Four,” which slammed the door shut on the Cultural Revolution just weeks after Mao’s death in August 1976. The third, in September, explored the 30th anniversary of the 1981 Resolution on History, which had confirmed the Cultural Revolution as a catastrophe that must never occur again. It was at the September gathering that Hu Deping set down the themes that Wen later referred to in his press conference, and published his comments on a website dedicated to chronicling the life and times of his father: “The bottom line is making sure to adopt the attitude of criticizing and fundamentally denouncing the Cultural Revolution … In recent years, for whatever reason, there seems to be a ‘revival’ of something like advocating the Cultural Revolution. Some people cherish it; some do not believe in the Cultural Revolution but nevertheless exploit it and play it up. I think we must guard this bottom line!” The subtext, only barely concealed, was that Bo Xilai must be stopped from dragging Communist Party back toward its most radical, lawless past. How, one could be forgiven for asking, could Bo grasp for power by praising a movement that killed his own mother? Hu Deping honed in on the need to forge mechanisms to institutionalize the power games between party leaders. He told his princeling and intellectual friends in the seminar audience that the remnants of feudal aristocracy — old fashioned despotic power — might again emerge as the party had said it had during the Cultural Revolution. He foreshadowed the ructions that are now taking place: “If we really want to carry out democratization of inner-party political life, the cost is going to be enormous. Do we have the courage to accept that cost? If we do it now, there is a cost certainly. Do we dare to bear the cost? Is now the right time? I cannot say for sure. However, I think it might create some ‘chaos’ in some localities, some temporary ‘chaos’, and some localized ‘chaos’. We should be prepared.” Hu Deping has been stepping forward, with some reluctance, to draw on his father’s legacy to help shape China’s future. He is a member of the standing committee of one of China’s two representative-style bodies and mixes with senior leaders. He discussed the Cultural Revolution with both President Hu Jintao and his expected successor, Xi Jinping, not long before Wen Jiabao’s news conference and Bo Xilai’s demise, according to a source familiar with those conversations. China’s politically engaged population is watching the battle now under way within the Politburo to frame the downfall of Bo Xilai and set the lessons that will shape China’s future. “So far we cannot identify whether Wen Jiabao is representing himself or representing a group,” says a recently retired minister-level official, who had confidently predicted Bo’s sacking to me 10 days before it happened. “Maybe it’s 80 percent himself and 20 percent the group. We still have to watch.” It remains far from clear whether the Communist Party’s webs of patronage and knots of financial and bureaucratic interests can be reformed. But with China’s leftist movement decapitated by the purge of Bo Xilai, and Bo’s critics now talking about his reign of “red terror” after daily revelations of political and physical brutality under his command, Wen has begun to win over some of his many detractors. “In the past I did not have a fully positive view of Wen Jiabao, because he said a lot of things but didn’t deliver,” says a leading media figure with lifelong connections to China’s leadership circle. “Now I realize just to be able to say it, that’s important. To speak up, let the whole world know that he could not achieve anything because he was strangled by the system.” Hu Yaobang’s most faithful protégé, who carried his funeral casket to its final resting place, is building on the groundwork laid by Hu and his children ostensibly to prevent a return of the Cultural Revolution. Wen Jiabao is defending the party line set by Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 historical resolution against attack from the left. Between the lines, however, he is challenging the Communist Party’s 30-year consensus from the liberal right. Hu Dehua, the youngest son, spelled out the gulf between these positions in a rare Chinese media interview one month ago: “The difference between my father and Deng is this: Deng wanted to save the party; my father wanted to save the people, the ordinary people.” Wen Jiabao sees Bo’s downfall as a pivotal opportunity to pin his reformist colors high while the Communist Party is too divided to rein him in. He is reaching out to the Chinese public because the party is losing its monopoly on truth and internal roads to reform have long been blocked. Ironically, he is doing so by leading the public purging of a victim who has no hope of transparent justice, because the party to which he has devoted his life has never known any other way.

March 31, 2012

The Revenge of Wen Jiabao

 

Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career.

Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different.

Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV.

From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past.

Meanwhile, the New York Times reports on how Bo’s ouster is playing out among different factions of the Communist Party as the leadership prepares for a transition of power later this year:

…The ouster of Bo Xilai, the populist icon formerly in charge of the southwestern megacity of Chongqing, has spurred weeks of frenzied internal politicking and a rare dissenting vote within the Politburo Standing Committee, according to interviews with publishers, academics and analysts tied to the Communist Party’s upper echelons or its powerful families.

They say that the outward calm is tenuous and was achieved only after China’s leadership team of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao appealed to party elders for support and yielded important posts in Chongqing to representatives of other influential political blocs.

“They want everyone to believe that the top level has no problem — that there’s no split and no struggle,” said Jin Zhong, publisher of the influential China-watching magazine Open, in Hong Kong. “But this is a false impression.”

According to people briefed by central party officials, Mr. Bo is being confined to his house in Beijing, watched by the Central Guard Bureau, a unit of the People’s Liberation Army under control of the party’s General Office. He faces a disciplinary investigation over a range of allegations of corruption and abuse of power, these people say. His wife, a noted lawyer, is under more formal detention in connection with some of those allegations.

*

Now be cool and read the Media Horse Manure, Ain’t Fuckn’ Delicious I was there. I warned you!

If Premier Wen Jiabao is “China’s best actor,” as his critics allege, he saved his finest performance for last. After three hours of eloquent and emotional answers in his final news conference at the National People’s Congress annual meeting this month, Wen uttered his public political masterstroke, reopening debate on one of the most tumultuous events in the Chinese Communist Party’s history and hammering the final nail in the coffin of his great rival, the now-deposed Chongqing Communist Party boss Bo Xilai. And in striking down Bo, Wen got his revenge on a family that had opposed him and his mentor countless times in the past.

*

Responding to a gently phrased question about Chongqing, Wen foreshadowed Bo’s political execution, a seismic leadership rupture announced the following day that continues to convulse China’s political landscape to an extent not seen since 1989. But the addendum that followed might be even more significant. Indirectly, but unmistakably, Wen defined Bo as man who wanted to repudiate China’s decades-long effort to reform its economy, open to the world, and allow its citizens to experience modernity. He framed the struggle over Bo’s legacy as a choice between urgent political reforms and “such historical tragedies as the Cultural Revolution,” culminating a 30-year battle for two radically different versions of China, of which Bo Xilai and Wen Jiabao are the ideological heirs. In Wen’s world, bringing down Bo is the first step in a battle between China’s Maoist past and a more democratic future as personified by his beloved mentor, 1980s Communist Party chief Hu Yaobang. His words blew open the facade of party unity that had held since the massacres of Tiananmen Square.

This October, the Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career.

Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different.

Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV.

From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past.

Until last month Bo appeared to hold the cards, with his networks of princelings — the children of high cadres — and the gravitational force of his “Chongqing Model” pulling the nation toward him, while Wen’s efforts had produced few practical results. Bo earned his reputation as a rising star until Feb. 6 when his police chief and right-hand man, Wang Lijun, drove to an appointment at the local British consulate to shake his official minders and then veered off and fled for his life down the highway into the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu. He carried with him allegations of sordid tales of Bo family criminal behavior including in relation to the death of British businessman Neil Heywood, according to Western government officials. In Beijing’s eyes, this was the highest-level known attempted defection in 40 years, and it occurred on Bo’s watch. Wang “betrayed the country and went over to the enemy,” said President Hu Jintao, according to a Chinese intelligence official.

Wen, the son of a lowly teacher, saw his family constantly criticized and attacked during the Cultural Revolution, and rose to power by impressing a series of revolutionary veterans. Bo, in contrast, was born to rule. The son of revolutionary leader Bo Yibo, he studied at the nation’s most prestigious middle school, Beijing No. 4. Bo had not yet turned 17 when a rift between the princeling children and those with “bad class backgrounds” erupted into class warfare. In June 1966, in the early months of the Cultural Revolution, one of Bo’s school mates invented the rhyming ditty that became the anthem for the princelings that led the early Red Guard movement: “The father’s a hero, the son’s a brave lad; the father’s a reactionary, the son’s a bastard.”

The student red guards at Beijing No. 4 turned an old eating hall into a gruesome incarceration chamber for the teachers and other reactionaries they captured. They painted the popular slogan “Long live the red terror” on the wall, in human blood.

Within months, however, Mao directed his Cultural Revolution toward his comrades-in-arms and unleashed a coterie of lesser-born red guards against the old “royalist” ones. Bo Xilai spent six years in a prison cell. His father, Bo Yibo, was tortured. Red Guards abducted Bo’s mother in Guangzhou and murdered her, or she committed suicide; if any records exist, they remain sealed.

Since former leader Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 “Resolution on History,” the Cultural Resolution has officially been a “catastrophe,” but the Communist Party never explained what happened. It was left as little more than a name, signifying bad but unknown things. By raising the specter of the Cultural Revolution, Wen Jiabao has opened a crack in the vault of Communist Party history: that great black box that conceals the struggles, brutality, partial truths and outright fabrications upon which China has built its economic and social transformation. Beneath his carefully layered comments is a profound challenge to the uncompromising manner in which the Chinese Communist Party has always gone about its business. And to grasp what the Cultural Revolution means to Wen Jiabao requires taking a journey through the life of his mentor, the 1980s reformist leader Hu Yaobang who ran the Communist Party in its most vibrant era.

Hu Yaobang was struck down from his job at the helm of the Communist Youth League on Aug. 13, 1966, five days before Chairman Mao presided over the first mass rally of the Cultural Revolution. Detained for six weeks, Red Guards beat and abused him and forced him to stand for hours with a huge wooden placard hanging from his neck and his arms wrenched behind his back. Six weeks later, as they retired for their national holidays, they called Hu’s eighteen year-old son Hu Dehua to pick him up. “I cried when I saw his appearance,” Hu Dehua told me. “He told me ‘don’t be such a good-for-nothing, let’s go home, it doesn’t matter.’”

Hu Yaobang was already back at work when Mao died, in 1976, and the Communist Party united behind the idea of moving on from the Cultural Revolution but lacked any further road map. Appointed head of the powerful Organization Department, Hu led a crusade to “seek truths from facts” — for ideology to yield to reality — and to rehabilitate fallen comrades. Deng, who by 1980 had secured his position as paramount leader, elevated Hu to general secretary of the Communist Party.

By the early 1980s the Communist Party was rapidly retreating from everyday social life. As the economy grew, Chinese people began to enjoy a degree of personal freedoms, but the essential norms of internal party politics remained unchanged. At crucial junctures there were no enforceable rules, no independent arbiters, only power.

In 1985, while most elders had been appointing each other or each other’s children to important positions, Hu Yaobang recruited Wen Jiabao, the teacher’s son, to run his Central Office — a position akin to cabinet secretary. The following year Hu Yaobang’s elder son, Hu Deping, spoke in terms uncannily similar to Wen Jiabao’s of two weeks ago. “The Cultural Revolution was a tragedy,” he said to the then propaganda minister, at a time when his father was at the height of his power. “It will not appear again in the same form, but a cultural revolution once or even twice removed cannot be ruled out from once again recurring.”

Perhaps he had an inkling of what was coming. By 1986 the tensions between an increasingly market-oriented economy and more liberal social environment began to clash with Communist Party elders’ demand for absolute political control. Hu Yaobang tried to limit corruption among the elders’ children, studiously ignored conservative ideological campaigns, and tolerated student protests. By the end of that year the elders had had enough.

Then, as during the Cultural Revolution, and as remains the case today, no rules governed Hu Yaobang’s downfall; just a group of backstage power brokers who judged that he had gone too far. In January 1987, 21 years after his purging in the Cultural Revolution, party elders subjected Hu to a torrid five-day criticism and humiliation session called a “Democratic Party Life meeting.” The harshest of Hu’s critics was Bo Xilai’s father.

Hu Dehua, the youngest son, lives at home with his wife in the same large but rundown courtyard home, just west of Beijing’s closed-off leadership district Zhongnanhai, where he has lived nearly all of his life. His recollections about what the Cultural Revolution meant to his family and his father, Hu Yaobang, informs the story that Wen Jiabao is telling today.

Hu Dehua tells how his father was pained, but not surprised, when Communist Party elders used his own political demise to drive an “anti-bourgeois liberalization” campaign across China. Party apparatchiks instructed Hu Dehua to show his ideological opposition to his own father’s political platform, but he refused.

“It was the same as 1966. If someone was said to be ‘liberalized’, then everyone would line up to criticize them,” Hu Dehua said. “The country was turning back at a time when it should be have been democratizing and transitioning to rule of law.”

Hu Dehua told his father how pessimistic he felt about his country’s future. Hu Yaobang agreed that the methods and ideologies of the 1987 anti-liberalization movement came straight from the Cultural Revolution. But he told his son to gain some historical perspective, and reminded him that Chinese people were not joining in the elite power games as they had 20 years before. He called the anti-liberalization campaign a “medium-sized cultural revolution” and warned that a small cultural revolution would no doubt follow, Hu Dehua told me. As society developed, Hu Yaobang told his son, the middle and little cultural revolutions would gradually fade from history’s stage.

It is fortunate, perhaps, that Hu Yaobang could not see how his death in April 1989 triggered an outpouring of public grief at Tiananmen Square, as Chinese students held him up his honesty and humanity in contrast to their perception of other leaders of the time. The protests morphed into a mass demonstration for liberalization and democratization and against growing corruption among children of the political elite.

Wen Jiabao remained in charge of the Communist Party Central Office, now working for Hu Yaobang’s increasingly reformist successor, Zhao Ziyang. A famous photo shows Wen standing behind Zhao’s shoulder as his boss declared the haunting words “I’ve come too late” to students who refused to leave the square. Shortly afterward, Deng and the party elders ordered in the tanks, triggering another Cultural Revolution-style convulsion and adding a new bloody file to the Communist Party’s vault of history. Bo Yibo moved to have Wen purged, according to a source whose father was a minister at the time, but other elders were impressed with how Wen shifted his loyalty from Zhao (who spent the rest of his life under house arrest) and supported martial law. Wen played by the rules of a ruthless system, his family — especially his wife and son — leveraged his official status for their own business interests, while his career progression resumed.

Hu Yaobang was largely airbrushed from official history after his purge in 1987. But because he did not publicly challenge the Communist Party, he maintained his legacy and his supporters, including all of the current and likely future party chiefs and premiers: Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Xi Jinping, and Li Keqiang. All four regularly visit the Hu family home during Spring Festival. But only Wen Jiabao has publicly honored his mentor’s legacy.

Two years ago, on the 21st anniversary of Hu Yaobang’s death, Wen penned an essay in the People’s Daily that was remarkable in a nation whose leaders rarely give any public hint of their personal lives. “What he taught me in those years is engraved on my heart,” wrote Wen. Of the four top leaders who regularly pay homage to Hu Yaobang’s old home, Wen Jiabao has the warmest connection with Hu Yaobang’s widow and four children.

Hu taught his children to resist the idea, wired into the Communist Party psyche, that they had any particular hereditary right to high office. Nevertheless the eldest son, Hu Deping, rose to vice minister rank in the United Front Department. And last year he used his princeling heritage and networks to organize and say things that would have banished lesser-born men to jail. He published a book about his father, with a forward written by Wen. He organized a series of closed-door seminars for leading intellectuals and other princeling children of reformist leaders to try and build a consensus for reform.

The first and most low-key seminar, in July, ignited what became a raging public debate about Bo Xilai’s “Chongqing Model” versus its possible antidote, the more liberal “Guangdong Model.” The second, in August, celebrated the 35th anniversary of the arrest of Mao’s radical “Gang of Four,” which slammed the door shut on the Cultural Revolution just weeks after Mao’s death in August 1976. The third, in September, explored the 30th anniversary of the 1981 Resolution on History, which had confirmed the Cultural Revolution as a catastrophe that must never occur again.

It was at the September gathering that Hu Deping set down the themes that Wen later referred to in his press conference, and published his comments on a website dedicated to chronicling the life and times of his father: “The bottom line is making sure to adopt the attitude of criticizing and fundamentally denouncing the Cultural Revolution … In recent years, for whatever reason, there seems to be a ‘revival’ of something like advocating the Cultural Revolution. Some people cherish it; some do not believe in the Cultural Revolution but nevertheless exploit it and play it up. I think we must guard this bottom line!”

The subtext, only barely concealed, was that Bo Xilai must be stopped from dragging Communist Party back toward its most radical, lawless past. How, one could be forgiven for asking, could Bo grasp for power by praising a movement that killed his own mother?

Hu Deping honed in on the need to forge mechanisms to institutionalize the power games between party leaders. He told his princeling and intellectual friends in the seminar audience that the remnants of feudal aristocracy — old fashioned despotic power — might again emerge as the party had said it had during the Cultural Revolution. He foreshadowed the ructions that are now taking place:

“If we really want to carry out democratization of inner-party political life, the cost is going to be enormous. Do we have the courage to accept that cost? If we do it now, there is a cost certainly. Do we dare to bear the cost? Is now the right time? I cannot say for sure. However, I think it might create some ‘chaos’ in some localities, some temporary ‘chaos’, and some localized ‘chaos’. We should be prepared.”

Hu Deping has been stepping forward, with some reluctance, to draw on his father’s legacy to help shape China’s future. He is a member of the standing committee of one of China’s two representative-style bodies and mixes with senior leaders. He discussed the Cultural Revolution with both President Hu Jintao and his expected successor, Xi Jinping, not long before Wen Jiabao’s news conference and Bo Xilai’s demise, according to a source familiar with those conversations. China’s politically engaged population is watching the battle now under way within the Politburo to frame the downfall of Bo Xilai and set the lessons that will shape China’s future.

“So far we cannot identify whether Wen Jiabao is representing himself or representing a group,” says a recently retired minister-level official, who had confidently predicted Bo’s sacking to me 10 days before it happened. “Maybe it’s 80 percent himself and 20 percent the group. We still have to watch.”

It remains far from clear whether the Communist Party’s webs of patronage and knots of financial and bureaucratic interests can be reformed. But with China’s leftist movement decapitated by the purge of Bo Xilai, and Bo’s critics now talking about his reign of “red terror” after daily revelations of political and physical brutality under his command, Wen has begun to win over some of his many detractors.

“In the past I did not have a fully positive view of Wen Jiabao, because he said a lot of things but didn’t deliver,” says a leading media figure with lifelong connections to China’s leadership circle. “Now I realize just to be able to say it, that’s important. To speak up, let the whole world know that he could not achieve anything because he was strangled by the system.”

Hu Yaobang’s most faithful protégé, who carried his funeral casket to its final resting place, is building on the groundwork laid by Hu and his children ostensibly to prevent a return of the Cultural Revolution. Wen Jiabao is defending the party line set by Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 historical resolution against attack from the left. Between the lines, however, he is challenging the Communist Party’s 30-year consensus from the liberal right.

Hu Dehua, the youngest son, spelled out the gulf between these positions in a rare Chinese media interview one month ago: “The difference between my father and Deng is this: Deng wanted to save the party; my father wanted to save the people, the ordinary people.”

Wen Jiabao sees Bo’s downfall as a pivotal opportunity to pin his reformist colors high while the Communist Party is too divided to rein him in. He is reaching out to the Chinese public because the party is losing its monopoly on truth and internal roads to reform have long been blocked. Ironically, he is doing so by leading the public purging of a victim who has no hope of transparent justice, because the party to which he has devoted his life has never known any other way.


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