Follow Israel’s Strategy to get things done in EU either by bribe or by extortion. As EU is getting bankrupt day by day, their Nutjobs are broke and badly need to pay their mortgages and load their Creditcards once they’re fired from their very-very temporary jobs. I doubt this moment of truth goes published.

EU Hippies & Unemployables fly to UAE visa free, lethally subsidized airfares & heavily discounted lodging. While UAE subjects stand 40% chance to get into EU. UAE share EU the trenches fighting Taliban side by side. | Liberalism is Trust Fucked with Prudence. Conservatism is Distrust Tainted with Fear.

I personally feel insulted if I ever get to EU uninvited. Sheikh Abdulla bin Zayed is wasting time in Europe as we speak. It’s bad time. Get UAE outta EU’s “Negative List” of countries whose nationals require visas to its “positive list” first before begging Brussels 30-day Schengen visa on arrival in quid pro quo. EU Hippies & Unemployables fly to UAE visa free, lethally subsidized airfares & heavily discounted lodging. While UAE subjects stand 40% chance to get into EU. UAE share EU the trenches fighting Taliban side by side. And in return EU suspect UAE subjects as terrorists. Never mind about the trade Affluenza. That’s another scam we can sport it later. It ain’t influence Brussels to render some attention. Follow Israel’s Strategy to get things done in EU either by bribe or by extortion. As EU is getting bankrupt day by day, their Nutjobs are broke and badly need to pay their mortgages and load their Creditcards once they’re fired from their very-very temporary jobs. I doubt this moment of truth goes published.

Cellular-phones signals at rush-hour are the best free-weapon to strike Haarp. Why it rains always at 6pm. Haarp! This is public information not conspiracy theory. GCC Cheerleader Abdulatif al-Zayani is on Crack. Bushehr ain’t on seismic fault lines unlike the rest of Iran that sit on major fault lines and suffered several devastating earthquakes, including 6.6-magnitude quake in 2003 which flattened southeastern city of Bam and killed more than 25,000 people. Nice GoogledJunk & WikiTrash though. Bushehr was Haarped last week by High Frequency Active Auroral Research Program Contractors. 6.1 magnitude quake is the second Haarp warning, they Haarped Tehran last year. Ahmadinejad warned Tehranians to evict and he allocated lucrative intensives in-fact to realtors who develop Towns outta Tehran.

DC-Janes were so thrilled last night that war against Alshabab was over. Rep. Keith Ellison crowed: It’s a new day in Somalia; send money. And then Kabooom. Hahaha. 16 killed in attack on Somali Supreme Court. 19 dead in twin Mogadishu attacks. Where’s the HELL NEW prosperous Somalia gone? Alshabab are McCain Germs as Taliban and SFA. They ain’t terrorist group no mo. USA & Western allies never won a single battle down there. Alshabab maintained India Ocean Maritime Piracy as at Top Forbes Ranking Standards Dorga-ya-Ganesh but buried by mainstream media because ain’t afford it. Westerns kidnapping in Africa is like having a haircut. Alshabab voluntarily disappeared momentarily outta Mogadishu to come after and settle old pending accounts with Kenyan & Ugandan warlords. They’re back in business larger than life. Somali current government controls from Airport to Presidential Palace and the rest is Alshabab’s. Democratization will prove my take.

Don’t be sad. Open your mind and be prudent. Lemme Preach a moment of Salafi jurisprudence. Prophet Mohammed PBUH warned: ‘should Mecca is bulldozed to ground ain’t worth one human killed (Nafs alas soul)’. Islam has no Monuments, no Shrines, no Ruins it just prayer space. ‘Assad forces damage Deraa Mosque that sparked revolt’ is Distracting Rhetoric. This is stooooopid Redherring. Pakistani DAWN Newspaper enjoys reporting outta Absentia, Paid Iranian Propaganda and Assad Flase wins to Demoralize McCain Germs & FSA supporters. Here’s a specimen of many rigged, tainted & baseless editorial about Idlib army base that McCain Germs surround as we speak. Here you go.. At least 18 civilians were killed, including two children and two women, in a Syrian air raid on a rebel-held town in the northwestern province of Idlib on Saturday, a monitoring group reported. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, updating an earlier toll, said 50 others were wounded in raid on an industrial zone in the town of Saraqeb. Citing reports from activists in the area, the Observatory said a barrage of cluster munitions was fired at the area by regime forces after the air strike. Footage filmed by local activists showed thick columns of smoke rising from the scene of the raid, as panicked residents tried to retrieve the dead and wounded. Others tried to put out fires using water hoses and buckets as a man appealed on camera: “There is no water, there is no electricity, and now (President) Bashar (al-Assad) is… firing at us with rockets and MiG warplanes.” Elsewhere in the province, the Observatory said at least 12 rebels were killed in shelling and heavy fighting near the village of Babolin, which lies near the Damascus-Aleppo road and which loyalist forces have been trying to capture. It also reported air strikes around the Damascus area and the central province of Homs. At least 54 people were killed in violence across Syria on Saturday, according to the Britain-based Observatory, which relies on a network of activists and medics for its information.

Lebanese Shiite threatened HezbollaT Warlord Hassona Nassrullat that they will quit and abolish the party unless HezbollaT ditch Assad and return their fighting kids back home. Hassona Nassrullat sent thousands of Lebanese Shiite to join Syrian army as Shabiha to fight FSA. Hassona Nassrullat lied to Lebanese Shiite that he sent HezbollaT militiamen to guard Sayda Zainab Shrine in Damascus. McCain Germs vowed to bulldoze the shrine over them. They butchered hundreds of HezbollaT Mercenaries and threw their corpse to the stray dogs. Beirut is 2 hours away from Damascus from McCain Germs. HezbollaT Warlord Hassona Nassrullat murdered Sheikh Ahmad al-Assir and Sheikh Hussam al-Ilani two bodyguards and an Egyptian in cold blood last year. Now his tailgate is theirs. It’s a deceitful and egocentric call of the Lebanese President Suleiman. Suleiman should urge Lebanese to share FSA the ditches to oust their common enemy HezbollaT back to Iran if he wanted to get back Lebanon from Iran. Here’s the deal.. Loser. How about pack up and flee to France? Maronite Phalangists are fools to cry on French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius shoulders as used to do in the old days. France is broke. The White House is quiet. Enjoying the game. I smell Michel Oun stench and Sameer Jaja reeky armpit in this foolish stance. It’s too stooopid to be deceptive now. Instead of crying wolf – Maronite Phalangists must get their guns outta their rusted weapon stockpiles, be brave, share FSA the trenches and fight back Assad & Iran than hide behind losing Proxy Warring-Pimps as France and Iran. Francois Hollande learned his lesson in one week; he dug his own grave in Maghreb Froggies got to flee North Africa by October.

I lost Pipes when he wrote ‘Hezbollah Jihadis’ as if he’s saying ‘KKK Haganah’. Hello Pipes Boy. Psst: ‘Jihadis’ are Sunni and ‘Hezbollah’ are Shiite. For Sunni: Goooood Shiite is dead SHIITE. Go it. You will probably hate this. Anti-Semitism is like having temporary tattoo. Everybody likes it itched on his/her Buttock. I love to torture your Wretched Deceptive Jewish Minds. Be prudent lemme’ toy a bit. Marco Rubio & Bob Casey vs. Daniel Pipes. Wow. Teeebaagerzz vs. Israelifirster. Back to The Bipartisan Rubio-Casey Duo Bill. It’s foolish to think that McCain Germs expect good outta the recently introduced legislation that would help bring about change in U.S. policy. The bill that authorizes additional humanitarian aid for Syrian people, support for political opposition, and non-lethal assistance for vetted elements of armed opposition to isolate Assad by recommending additional sanctions against entities that still do business with his regime. The bill plan addressing Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles, so they cannot be used against civilians or Syria’s neighbors. Benghazi was great lesson for McCain Germs to know Obama & DC Janes ain’t allowed to use the bathroom on their own without Tel-Aviv approval. Obama was poodled by David Cameron and Nicolas Sarkozy into Libya. If Libya left to Obama. The Libyan civil war is still going on. Daniel Pipes is right he needs a stalemate for Israel’s safety so is Obama and his European allies. Pipes concedes that the West can’t stand by and let Assad continue slaughtering civilians so he suggests putting pressure on two sides to behave according to rules of law while threatening military strikes to punish those who fail to do so. But this idea is every bit as problematic as formulas put forward by do-gooders. That will only lead both sides to blame the West and leave it as vulnerable to being held responsible for the slaughter as a policy that backs the rebels. That’s what all about. Albeit all those doctored videos on Turkish TV to keep him alive. Assad is dead and his devastated warring Residues have nowhere to go – they got to fight to till the end. They’re trapped. Putin & Khamenei condemned to death. Quit reading GoogledJunk of Anglosexual Legends, the WikiTrash, the Mayhem, and the thesaurus exhausted Misinformation mainstreaming-media whoresmanure. Dumb down, Stupendous! Hold your breath, shut-up, sit down & listen. Your discretion is advised:  John Kerry been 3 times to Israel since he took office. He ain’t a joker. Kerry has no sympathy for Israel, he will never forget that Israelis conned him during his presidency run against George Bush the kid. He’s serious businessman. Israel stands no chance to win who has nothing to lose as the Trio: Obama, Kerry & Hagel. They have no time for Knesset Bums to waste. Bibi proved that he’s a Nut-Job and it is waste of time even to have coffee with him. He’s an idiot. The world is broke and they don’t need some Jews to fiddle into their books fooling them to recover. In another word no one affords to care about Israel. Anti-Semitism is like having temporary tattoo. Everybody likes it. Arabs have no power to peace with Israel. Israel needs a miracle to get outta this miss. Oh I got an idea. Why don’t go back home to Nigeria.

What would you call A gay blogger of itchy rectum preach secularism in most predominantly Muslim archipelagos. Hilath Rasheed. Hells no not even close. Nasheed brought the first wave of democracy to Maldives. Now Nasheed is frightened from “Artur brothers” to be assassinated. Hilath Rasheed in Colombo and Nasheed is in Delhi.

Detective Inspector Bucket told Mr. Tulkinghorn’s Clerk in Charles Dickens Novel Bleak House: there are 3 kinds of arrests. Arrest to show an arrest. Arrest for the sake of it. And arrest for more arrests. UAE arrest fits none. 98 unarmed unprivileged debt-laden Emaratis (among them 13 women) were busted for trying to overthrow present regime. Nice story but ain’t NEWS. UAE court sentenced them to 10 month prison. Hopefully they will be pardoned by UAE President Next UAE National day December 02. It is weird. According to Reuters the 98 activists have been busted for collecting donation to launch a TV Broadcast Channel to defame present UAE regime. 98 activists ain’t jab a country of 8 million inhabitant & half trillion economy as UAE. It’s a joke. Democratization ain’t child play. It’s a sacrifice. The present regime insists that their cradle-to-grave system is working and there is no need to show audited books. The activists say hell no. Both warring sides have serious problem especially when UAE economically depends on foreigners not on Natives.  I got NEWS for you guys. BYPASS Road Renamed and Skype unblocked. Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan received Gilbert Saboya Sunye Andorra Foreign Minister; Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid praised Kerala leader Oommen Chandy & Dubai Police Patrol use Lamborghini. Damn you Activists. Have they lost their mind? What now? Oops and UAE just joined the NATO. Thousands already at Emaar office for Dubai villas launch.

White House to Provide F-16 Jetfighters to Egypt. Who else will buy it?

Shame on you. Foreign Terrorists! You must be kidding. The Accurate Political Nomenclatures of 5,500-odd foreign fighters are called McCain Germs. Aaron Y Zelin at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy is Zionist nutjob I wouldn’t take his words seriously Dorga ya Ganesh. Since Professor Peter Neumann of the Masonic King’s College is so keen to expose European terrorists why hasn’t he talked about the 22,000 Iranian terrorists aiding Assad as we speak commit suicide to Syrian elders, women and sleeping babies. What are they? Professor Neumann. Florists!

 

I thought you should know that the usual Bilderberg Philanthropists Meeting June 2013 is in UK at the Grove Hotel North of London.

After Ryusuke Otani RBS Chief Executive Japan fired RBS Vice President Vsevolod Glukhovtsev Moscow arrested on $10mn Fraud. Fed & BoE Pocketed $612 million to bury RBS Libor Rate-Rigging Patent Trade Secret lest BRICS colon their scam, bankrupt RBS, Fed & BoE and run them outta business. Ryusuke Otani RBS Securities Chief Executive Japan was so happy Unexposed until he’s terminated and leave RBS-TOKYO and stay at home. Japanese are quiet as long as they’re enjoying others loots. Once they’re busted they act as fools auditing the unauditables.

TURKISH DINNER for lazy Faceboooooookerzz and Flickerarrrrzzz: Put butter over skillet and melt over medium heat. Then, cut pastrami into small pieces and sauté in butter for 2 minutes. Crack eggs carefully and sprinkle with salt and paprika. You may either close the lid and cook over low heat without disturbing the eggs, or give a gentle stir folding the eggs and cook until eggs are done. Serve hot. ENJOY

Fayyad is an internationally respected economist who evaporates loots as Spirit. Though Israel regards good Palestinian is dead Palestinian, He’s Israel’s Darling Palestinian. To save his own tail Mahmoud Abbas has to hire Israel’s Nightmare either Khalid Mashaal or Ismail Haniyeh. Salam Fayyad Palestinian politician and former Prime Minister of Palestinian National Authority. His first appointment, on 15 June 2007, was justified by President Mahmoud Abbas on basis of “NATIONAL EMERGENCY”, has not been confirmed by the Palestinian Legislative Council & the Palestinian Authority’s parliament. He was reappointed on 19 May 2009. Fayyad has also been finance minister from 17 March 2007 and previously held post from June 2002 to November 2006.

Winter, Sweden: Greased Snow. Watchout. Hydrocarbon Exhaust Rain turns Planet Earth to Cesspool. Winter, Sweden Photograph by Pierric Descamps, My Shot This Month in Photo of the Day: Nature and Weather Photos Shot taken on a winter morning in the Swedish countryside

Please vote for EX-REP. Anthony Weiner, DNY for NY-Mayor Job. Not only For being Jew of above 6 inch wiener as per his twitter. . Weiner can show his 6 inch Winchester in any Kosher Gay-Bar in downtown Manhattan or Convenience store. Never mind about his Pakistani wife Huma Abedin she will pose Nude-Topless to prove to you that she ain’t either Muslim Brotherhood, or Taliban & Alshabab. Don’t be afraid. No Time-Square KABOOM! No mo. What do you want more? Oh by the way. Anthony Weiner can guarantee cheaper hookers than Spitzer. My treat.

This baby is 25 days old which hit waves and cracked down in two surfing Bali waters. Boeing Unemployables BINGED Monsanto MALT Jack Daniel’s. Lion Air airplane that missed runway at Bali’s Ngurah Rai International Airport and landed in the sea had been used for less than month.

I protest. I am-on-strike until washingtonstarjournal.com ask ‘newsbusters.org, twitchy.com, thegatewaypundit.com & weaselzippers.us’ to unblock me ‘stsheetrock’. Please don’t bother to Re-blog hypocrites who sensor freedom of speech and get you this “You do not have permission to post on this thread” whenever remarked. NO COMMENTS.

 

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• Pakistan DAWN Newspaper enjoys reporting outta Absentia, Paid Iranian Propaganda and Assad Flase wins to Demoralize McCain Germs & FSA supporters. Here’s a specimen of many rigged, tainted & baseless editorial about Idlib army base that McCain Germs (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• Cellular-phones signals at rush-hour are the best free-weapon to strike Haarp. Why it rains always at 6pm. Haarp! This is public information not conspiracy theory. GCC Cheerleader Abdulatif al-Zayani is on Crack. Bushehr ain’t on seismic fault lines unlik (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• For being Jew of above 6 inch wiener as per his twitter. Never mind about Huma Abedin she can pose topless to prove that she ain’t either Muslim Brotherhood, or Taliban & Alshabab. (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• This baby is one month old who hit waves and cracked down in two surfing Bali waters. Boeing Unemployables BINGED Monsanto Malt Jack Daniel’s. Lion Air airplane that missed runway at Bali’s Ngurah Rai International Airport and landed in the sea had been u (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• This baby is one month old who cracked down in two surfing Bali waves. Boeing Unemployables BINGED Monsanto Malt Jack Daniel’s. Lion Air airplane that missed runway at Bali’s Ngurah Rai International Airport and landed in the sea had been used for less th (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• McCain Germs vowed to bulldoze the shrine over them. They butchered hundreds of HezbollaT Mercenaries and threw their corpse to the stray dogs. Beirut is 2 hours away from Damascus from McCain Germs. (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• Mahmoud Abbas must appoint Israel’s Nightmare either Khalid Mashaal or Ismail Haniyeh to save his own tail. Salam Fayyad Palestinian politician and former Prime Minister of Palestinian National Authority. His first appointment, on 15 June 2007 (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)
• Open your mind and be prudent. Prophet Mohammed PBUH warned: ‘should Mecca is bulldozed to ground ain’t worth one human killed (Nafs alas soul)’. (obaidkarki.blogspot.com)

Boeing Unemployables BINGED Monsanto Malt Jack Daniel’s.

This baby is one month old who cracked down in two surfing Bali waves. Boeing Unemployables BINGED Monsanto Malt Jack Daniel’s., a photo by quranix on Flickr.

This baby is one month old who hit waves and cracked down in two surfing Bali waters. Boeing Unemployables BINGED Monsanto Malt Jack Daniel’s. Lion Air airplane that missed runway at Bali’s Ngurah Rai International Airport and landed in the sea had been used for less than month.

Cellular-phones signals at rush-hour are the best free-weapon to strike Haarp. Why it rains always at 6pm. Haarp! This is public information not conspiracy theory. GCC Cheerleader Abdulatif al-Zayani is on Crack. Bushehr ain’t on seismic fault lines unlike the rest of Iran that sit on major fault lines and suffered several devastating earthquakes, including 6.6-magnitude quake in 2003 which flattened southeastern city of Bam and killed more than 25,000 people. Nice GoogledJunk & WikiTrash though. Bushehr was Haarped last week by High Frequency Active Auroral Research Program Contractors. 6.1 magnitude quake is the second Haarp warning, they Haarped Tehran last year. Ahmadinejad allocated lucrative intensives for realtors who develop towns outta Tehran.
DC-Janes were so exited last night that war against Alshabab was over. Rep. Keith Ellison crowed: It’s a new day in Somalia; send money. And then Kabooom. Hahaha. 16 killed in attack on Somali Supreme Court. Where the HELL is NEW Somalia gone? Alshabab are McCain Germs as Taliban and SFA. They ain’t terrorist group no mo. USA & Western allies never won a single battle down there. Alshabab maintained India Ocean Maritime Piracy as at Top Forbes Ranking Standards Dorga-ya-Ganesh but buried by mainstream media because ain’t afford it. Westerns kidnapping in Africa is like having a haircut. Alshabab voluntarily disappeared momentarily outta Mogadishu to come after and settle old pending accounts with Kenyan & Ugandan warlords. They’re back in business larger than life. Somali current government controls from Airport to Presidential Palace and the rest is Alshabab’s. Democratization will prove my take.
Don’t be sad. Open your mind and be prudent. Lemme Preach a moment of Salafi jurisprudence. Prophet Mohammed PBUH warned: ‘should Mecca is bulldozed to ground ain’t worth one human killed (Nafs alas soul)’. Islam has no Monuments, no Shrines, no Ruins it just prayer space. ‘Assad forces damage Deraa Mosque that sparked revolt’ is Distracting Rhetoric. This is stooooopid Redherring. Pakistani DAWN Newspaper enjoys reporting outta Absentia, Paid Iranian Propaganda and Assad Flase wins to Demoralize McCain Germs & FSA supporters. Here’s a specimen of many rigged, tainted & baseless editorial about Idlib army base that McCain Germs surround as we speak. Here you go.. At least 18 civilians were killed, including two children and two women, in a Syrian air raid on a rebel-held town in the northwestern province of Idlib on Saturday, a monitoring group reported. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, updating an earlier toll, said 50 others were wounded in raid on an industrial zone in the town of Saraqeb. Citing reports from activists in the area, the Observatory said a barrage of cluster munitions was fired at the area by regime forces after the air strike. Footage filmed by local activists showed thick columns of smoke rising from the scene of the raid, as panicked residents tried to retrieve the dead and wounded. Others tried to put out fires using water hoses and buckets as a man appealed on camera: “There is no water, there is no electricity, and now (President) Bashar (al-Assad) is… firing at us with rockets and MiG warplanes.” Elsewhere in the province, the Observatory said at least 12 rebels were killed in shelling and heavy fighting near the village of Babolin, which lies near the Damascus-Aleppo road and which loyalist forces have been trying to capture. It also reported air strikes around the Damascus area and the central province of Homs. At least 54 people were killed in violence across Syria on Saturday, according to the Britain-based Observatory, which relies on a network of activists and medics for its information.
Lebanese Shiite threatened HezbollaT Warlord Hassona Nassrullat that they will quit and abolish the party unless HezbollaT ditch Assad and return their fighting kids back home. Hassona Nassrullat sent thousands of Lebanese Shiite to join Syrian army as Shabiha to fight FSA. Hassona Nassrullat lied to Lebanese Shiite that he sent HezbollaT militiamen to guard Sayda Zainab Shrine in Damascus. McCain Germs vowed to bulldoze the shrine over them. They butchered hundreds of HezbollaT Mercenaries and threw their corpse to the stray dogs. Beirut is 2 hours away from Damascus from McCain Germs. HezbollaT Warlord Hassona Nassrullat murdered Sheikh Ahmad al-Assir and Sheikh Hussam al-Ilani two bodyguards and an Egyptian in cold blood last year. Now his tailgate is theirs. It’s a deceitful and egocentric call of the Lebanese President Suleiman. Suleiman should urge Lebanese to share FSA the ditches to oust their common enemy HezbollaT back to Iran if he wanted to get back Lebanon from Iran. Here’s the deal.. Loser. How about pack up and flee to France? Maronite Phalangists are fools to cry on French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius shoulders as used to do in the old days. France is broke. The White House is quiet. Enjoying the game. I smell Michel Oun stench and Sameer Jaja reeky armpit in this foolish stance. It’s too stooopid to be deceptive now. Instead of crying wolf – Maronite Phalangists must get their guns outta their rusted weapon stockpiles, be brave, share FSA the trenches and fight back Assad & Iran than hide behind losing Proxy Warring-Pimps as France and Iran. Francois Hollande learned his lesson in one week; he dug his own grave in Maghreb Froggies got to flee North Africa by October.
I lost Pipes when he wrote ‘Hezbollah Jihadis’ as if he’s saying ‘KKK Haganah’. Hello Pipes Boy. Psst: ‘Jihadis’ are Sunni and ‘Hezbollah’ are Shiite. For Sunni: Goooood Shiite is dead SHIITE. Go it. You will probably hate this. Anti-Semitism is like having temporary tattoo. Everybody likes it itched on his/her Buttock. I love to torture your Wretched Deceptive Jewish Minds. Be prudent lemme’ toy a bit. Marco Rubio & Bob Casey vs. Daniel Pipes. Wow. Teeebaagerzz vs. Israelifirster. Back to The Bipartisan Rubio-Casey Duo Bill. It’s foolish to think that McCain Germs expect good outta the recently introduced legislation that would help bring about change in U.S. policy. The bill that authorizes additional humanitarian aid for Syrian people, support for political opposition, and non-lethal assistance for vetted elements of armed opposition to isolate Assad by recommending additional sanctions against entities that still do business with his regime. The bill plan addressing Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles, so they cannot be used against civilians or Syria’s neighbors. Benghazi was great lesson for McCain Germs to know Obama & DC Janes ain’t allowed to use the bathroom on their own without Tel-Aviv approval. Obama was poodled by David Cameron and Nicolas Sarkozy into Libya. If Libya left to Obama. The Libyan civil war is still going on. Daniel Pipes is right he needs a stalemate for Israel’s safety so is Obama and his European allies. Pipes concedes that the West can’t stand by and let Assad continue slaughtering civilians so he suggests putting pressure on two sides to behave according to rules of law while threatening military strikes to punish those who fail to do so. But this idea is every bit as problematic as formulas put forward by do-gooders. That will only lead both sides to blame the West and leave it as vulnerable to being held responsible for the slaughter as a policy that backs the rebels. That’s what all about. Albeit all those doctored videos on Turkish TV to keep him alive. Assad is dead and his devastated warring Residues have nowhere to go – they got to fight to till the end. They’re trapped. Putin & Khamenei condemned to death. Quit reading GoogledJunk of Anglosexual Legends, the WikiTrash, the Mayhem, and the thesaurus exhausted Misinformation mainstreaming-media whoresmanure. Dumb down, Stupendous! Hold your breath, shut-up, sit down & listen. Your discretion is advised: John Kerry been 3 times to Israel since he took office. He ain’t a joker. Kerry has no sympathy for Israel, he will never forget that Israelis conned him during his presidency run against George Bush the kid. He’s serious businessman. Israel stands no chance to win who has nothing to lose as the Trio: Obama, Kerry & Hagel. They have no time for Knesset Bums to waste. Bibi proved that he’s a Nut-Job and it is waste of time even to have coffee with him. He’s an idiot. The world is broke and they don’t need some Jews to fiddle into their books fooling them to recover. In another word no one affords to care about Israel. Anti-Semitism is like having temporary tattoo. Everybody likes it. Arabs have no power to peace with Israel. Israel needs a miracle to get outta this miss. Oh I got an idea. Why don’t go back home to Nigeria.
What would you call A gay blogger of itchy rectum preach secularism in most predominantly Muslim archipelagos. Hilath Rasheed. Hells no not even close. Nasheed brought the first wave of democracy to Maldives. Now Nasheed is frightened from “Artur brothers” to be assassinated. Hilath Rasheed in Colombo and Nasheed is in Delhi.
Detective Inspector Bucket told Mr. Tulkinghorn’s Clerk in Charles Dickens Novel Bleak House: there are 3 kinds of arrests. Arrest to show an arrest. Arrest for the sake of it. And arrest for more arrests. UAE arrest fits none. 98 unarmed unprivileged debt-laden Emaratis (among them 13 women) were busted for trying to overthrow present regime. Nice story but ain’t NEWS. UAE court sentenced them to 10 month prison. Hopefully they will be pardoned by UAE President Next UAE National day December 02. It is weird. According to Reuters the 98 activists have been busted for collecting donation to launch a TV Broadcast Channel to defame present UAE regime. 98 activists ain’t jab a country of 8 million inhabitant & half trillion economy as UAE. It’s a joke. Democratization ain’t child play. It’s a sacrifice. The present regime insists that their cradle-to-grave system is working and there is no need to show audited books. The activists say hell no. Both warring sides have serious problem especially when UAE economically depends on foreigners not on Natives. I got NEWS for you guys. BYPASS Road Renamed and Skype unblocked. Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan received Gilbert Saboya Sunye Andorra Foreign Minister; Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid praised Kerala leader Oommen Chandy & Dubai Police Patrol use Lamborghini. Damn you Activists. Have they lost their mind? What now? Oops and UAE just joined the NATO. Thousands already at Emaar office for Dubai villas launch.
White House to Provide F-16 Jetfighters to Egypt. Who else will buy it?
Shame on you. Foreign Terrorists! You must be kidding. The Accurate Political Nomenclatures of 5,500-odd foreign fighters are called McCain Germs. Aaron Y Zelin at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy is Zionist nutjob I wouldn’t take his words seriously Dorga ya Ganesh. Since Professor Peter Neumann of the Masonic King’s College is so keen to expose European terrorists why hasn’t he talked about the 22,000 Iranian terrorists aiding Assad as we speak commit suicide to Syrian elders, women and sleeping babies. What are they? Professor Neumann. Florists!

I thought you should know that the usual Bilderberg Philanthropists Meeting June 2013 is in UK at the Grove Hotel North of London.
After Ryusuke Otani RBS Chief Executive Japan fired RBS Vice President Vsevolod Glukhovtsev Moscow arrested on $10mn Fraud. Fed & BoE Pocketed $612 million to bury RBS Libor Rate-Rigging Patent Trade Secret lest BRICS colon their scam, bankrupt RBS, Fed & BoE and run them outta business. Ryusuke Otani RBS Securities Chief Executive Japan was so happy Unexposed until he’s terminated and leave RBS-TOKYO and stay at home. Japanese are quiet as long as they’re enjoying others loots. Once they’re busted they act as fools auditing the unauditables.
TURKISH DINNER for lazy Faceboooooookerzz and Flickerarrrrzzz: Put butter over skillet and melt over medium heat. Then, cut pastrami into small pieces and sauté in butter for 2 minutes. Crack eggs carefully and sprinkle with salt and paprika. You may either close the lid and cook over low heat without disturbing the eggs, or give a gentle stir folding the eggs and cook until eggs are done. Serve hot. ENJOY
Fayyad is an internationally respected economist who evaporates loots as Spirit. Though Israel regards good Palestinian is dead Palestinian, He’s Israel’s Darling Palestinian. To save his own tail Mahmoud Abbas has to hire Israel’s Nightmare either Khalid Mashaal or Ismail Haniyeh. Salam Fayyad Palestinian politician and former Prime Minister of Palestinian National Authority. His first appointment, on 15 June 2007, was justified by President Mahmoud Abbas on basis of “NATIONAL EMERGENCY”, has not been confirmed by the Palestinian Legislative Council & the Palestinian Authority’s parliament. He was reappointed on 19 May 2009. Fayyad has also been finance minister from 17 March 2007 and previously held post from June 2002 to November 2006.
Winter, Sweden: Greased Snow. Watchout. Hydrocarbon Exhaust Rain turns Planet Earth to Cesspool. Winter, Sweden Photograph by Pierric Descamps, My Shot This Month in Photo of the Day: Nature and Weather Photos Shot taken on a winter morning in the Swedish countryside
Please ask weaselzippers.us, thegatewaypundit.com to unblock my comments or don’t bother to Re-blog who sensor freedom of speech and get this “You do not have permission to post on this thread”

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• Lebanese Shiite threatened HezbollaT Warlord Hassona Nassrullat that they will quit and abolish the party unless HezbollaT ditch Assad and return their fighting kids back home. Hassona Nassrullat sent thousands of Lebanese Shiite to join Syrian army (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• HezbollaT Warlord Hassona Nassrullat murdered Sheikh Ahmad al-Assir and Sheikh Hussam al-Ilani two bodyguards and an Egyptian in cold blood last year. Now his tailgate is theirs. (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• Islam has no Monuments, no Shrines, no Ruins it just prayer space. ‘Assad forces damage Omari Mosque that sparked revolt’ is Distracting Rhetoric. (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• TURKISH DINNER for lazy Faceboooooookerzz and Flickerarrrrzzz: Put butter over skillet and melt over medium heat. Then, cut pastrami into small pieces and sauté in butter for 2 minutes. Crack eggs carefully and sprinkle with salt and paprika. (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• Pakistan DAWN Newspaper enjoys reporting outta Absentia, Paid Iranian Propaganda and Assad Flase wins to Demoralize McCain Germs & FSA supporters. Here’s a specimen of many rigged, tainted & baseless editorial about Idlib army base that McCain Germs (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• Mahmoud Abbas must appoint Israel’s Nightmare either Khalid Mashaal or Ismail Haniyeh to save his own tail. Salam Fayyad Palestinian politician and former Prime Minister of Palestinian National Authority. His first appointment, on 15 June 2007 (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• I thought you should know that the usual Bilderberg Philanthropists Meeting June 2013 is in UK at the Grove Hotel North of London. (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• Maronite Phalangists are fools to cry on French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius shoulders as used to do in the old days. France is broke. The White House is quiet. Enjoying the game. (alakhtal.wordpress.com)
• Assad shot by his own Iranian Bodyguard Mehdi Jakoby. He is currently hospitalized, between life and death. Dc ain’t prepared for it. Be patients the news will be killed for now. After all Aljazeera ain’t happy of such precedent. They need Assad alive to (alakhtal.wordpress.com)

The Revenge of Wen Jiabao Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career. Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different. Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV. From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past. Meanwhile, the New York Times reports on how Bo’s ouster is playing out among different factions of the Communist Party as the leadership prepares for a transition of power later this year: …The ouster of Bo Xilai, the populist icon formerly in charge of the southwestern megacity of Chongqing, has spurred weeks of frenzied internal politicking and a rare dissenting vote within the Politburo Standing Committee, according to interviews with publishers, academics and analysts tied to the Communist Party’s upper echelons or its powerful families. They say that the outward calm is tenuous and was achieved only after China’s leadership team of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao appealed to party elders for support and yielded important posts in Chongqing to representatives of other influential political blocs. “They want everyone to believe that the top level has no problem — that there’s no split and no struggle,” said Jin Zhong, publisher of the influential China-watching magazine Open, in Hong Kong. “But this is a false impression.” According to people briefed by central party officials, Mr. Bo is being confined to his house in Beijing, watched by the Central Guard Bureau, a unit of the People’s Liberation Army under control of the party’s General Office. He faces a disciplinary investigation over a range of allegations of corruption and abuse of power, these people say. His wife, a noted lawyer, is under more formal detention in connection with some of those allegations. Now be cool and read the Media Horse Manure, Ain’t Fuckn’ Delicious I was there. I warned you! If Premier Wen Jiabao is “China’s best actor,” as his critics allege, he saved his finest performance for last. After three hours of eloquent and emotional answers in his final news conference at the National People’s Congress annual meeting this month, Wen uttered his public political masterstroke, reopening debate on one of the most tumultuous events in the Chinese Communist Party’s history and hammering the final nail in the coffin of his great rival, the now-deposed Chongqing Communist Party boss Bo Xilai. And in striking down Bo, Wen got his revenge on a family that had opposed him and his mentor countless times in the past. Responding to a gently phrased question about Chongqing, Wen foreshadowed Bo’s political execution, a seismic leadership rupture announced the following day that continues to convulse China’s political landscape to an extent not seen since 1989. But the addendum that followed might be even more significant. Indirectly, but unmistakably, Wen defined Bo as man who wanted to repudiate China’s decades-long effort to reform its economy, open to the world, and allow its citizens to experience modernity. He framed the struggle over Bo’s legacy as a choice between urgent political reforms and “such historical tragedies as the Cultural Revolution,” culminating a 30-year battle for two radically different versions of China, of which Bo Xilai and Wen Jiabao are the ideological heirs. In Wen’s world, bringing down Bo is the first step in a battle between China’s Maoist past and a more democratic future as personified by his beloved mentor, 1980s Communist Party chief Hu Yaobang. His words blew open the facade of party unity that had held since the massacres of Tiananmen Square. This October, the Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career. Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different. Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV. From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past. Until last month Bo appeared to hold the cards, with his networks of princelings — the children of high cadres — and the gravitational force of his “Chongqing Model” pulling the nation toward him, while Wen’s efforts had produced few practical results. Bo earned his reputation as a rising star until Feb. 6 when his police chief and right-hand man, Wang Lijun, drove to an appointment at the local British consulate to shake his official minders and then veered off and fled for his life down the highway into the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu. He carried with him allegations of sordid tales of Bo family criminal behavior including in relation to the death of British businessman Neil Heywood, according to Western government officials. In Beijing’s eyes, this was the highest-level known attempted defection in 40 years, and it occurred on Bo’s watch. Wang “betrayed the country and went over to the enemy,” said President Hu Jintao, according to a Chinese intelligence official. Wen, the son of a lowly teacher, saw his family constantly criticized and attacked during the Cultural Revolution, and rose to power by impressing a series of revolutionary veterans. Bo, in contrast, was born to rule. The son of revolutionary leader Bo Yibo, he studied at the nation’s most prestigious middle school, Beijing No. 4. Bo had not yet turned 17 when a rift between the princeling children and those with “bad class backgrounds” erupted into class warfare. In June 1966, in the early months of the Cultural Revolution, one of Bo’s school mates invented the rhyming ditty that became the anthem for the princelings that led the early Red Guard movement: “The father’s a hero, the son’s a brave lad; the father’s a reactionary, the son’s a bastard.” The student red guards at Beijing No. 4 turned an old eating hall into a gruesome incarceration chamber for the teachers and other reactionaries they captured. They painted the popular slogan “Long live the red terror” on the wall, in human blood. Within months, however, Mao directed his Cultural Revolution toward his comrades-in-arms and unleashed a coterie of lesser-born red guards against the old “royalist” ones. Bo Xilai spent six years in a prison cell. His father, Bo Yibo, was tortured. Red Guards abducted Bo’s mother in Guangzhou and murdered her, or she committed suicide; if any records exist, they remain sealed. Since former leader Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 “Resolution on History,” the Cultural Resolution has officially been a “catastrophe,” but the Communist Party never explained what happened. It was left as little more than a name, signifying bad but unknown things. By raising the specter of the Cultural Revolution, Wen Jiabao has opened a crack in the vault of Communist Party history: that great black box that conceals the struggles, brutality, partial truths and outright fabrications upon which China has built its economic and social transformation. Beneath his carefully layered comments is a profound challenge to the uncompromising manner in which the Chinese Communist Party has always gone about its business. And to grasp what the Cultural Revolution means to Wen Jiabao requires taking a journey through the life of his mentor, the 1980s reformist leader Hu Yaobang who ran the Communist Party in its most vibrant era. Hu Yaobang was struck down from his job at the helm of the Communist Youth League on Aug. 13, 1966, five days before Chairman Mao presided over the first mass rally of the Cultural Revolution. Detained for six weeks, Red Guards beat and abused him and forced him to stand for hours with a huge wooden placard hanging from his neck and his arms wrenched behind his back. Six weeks later, as they retired for their national holidays, they called Hu’s eighteen year-old son Hu Dehua to pick him up. “I cried when I saw his appearance,” Hu Dehua told me. “He told me ‘don’t be such a good-for-nothing, let’s go home, it doesn’t matter.’” Hu Yaobang was already back at work when Mao died, in 1976, and the Communist Party united behind the idea of moving on from the Cultural Revolution but lacked any further road map. Appointed head of the powerful Organization Department, Hu led a crusade to “seek truths from facts” — for ideology to yield to reality — and to rehabilitate fallen comrades. Deng, who by 1980 had secured his position as paramount leader, elevated Hu to general secretary of the Communist Party. By the early 1980s the Communist Party was rapidly retreating from everyday social life. As the economy grew, Chinese people began to enjoy a degree of personal freedoms, but the essential norms of internal party politics remained unchanged. At crucial junctures there were no enforceable rules, no independent arbiters, only power. In 1985, while most elders had been appointing each other or each other’s children to important positions, Hu Yaobang recruited Wen Jiabao, the teacher’s son, to run his Central Office — a position akin to cabinet secretary. The following year Hu Yaobang’s elder son, Hu Deping, spoke in terms uncannily similar to Wen Jiabao’s of two weeks ago. “The Cultural Revolution was a tragedy,” he said to the then propaganda minister, at a time when his father was at the height of his power. “It will not appear again in the same form, but a cultural revolution once or even twice removed cannot be ruled out from once again recurring.” Perhaps he had an inkling of what was coming. By 1986 the tensions between an increasingly market-oriented economy and more liberal social environment began to clash with Communist Party elders’ demand for absolute political control. Hu Yaobang tried to limit corruption among the elders’ children, studiously ignored conservative ideological campaigns, and tolerated student protests. By the end of that year the elders had had enough. Then, as during the Cultural Revolution, and as remains the case today, no rules governed Hu Yaobang’s downfall; just a group of backstage power brokers who judged that he had gone too far. In January 1987, 21 years after his purging in the Cultural Revolution, party elders subjected Hu to a torrid five-day criticism and humiliation session called a “Democratic Party Life meeting.” The harshest of Hu’s critics was Bo Xilai’s father. Hu Dehua, the youngest son, lives at home with his wife in the same large but rundown courtyard home, just west of Beijing’s closed-off leadership district Zhongnanhai, where he has lived nearly all of his life. His recollections about what the Cultural Revolution meant to his family and his father, Hu Yaobang, informs the story that Wen Jiabao is telling today. Hu Dehua tells how his father was pained, but not surprised, when Communist Party elders used his own political demise to drive an “anti-bourgeois liberalization” campaign across China. Party apparatchiks instructed Hu Dehua to show his ideological opposition to his own father’s political platform, but he refused. “It was the same as 1966. If someone was said to be ‘liberalized’, then everyone would line up to criticize them,” Hu Dehua said. “The country was turning back at a time when it should be have been democratizing and transitioning to rule of law.” Hu Dehua told his father how pessimistic he felt about his country’s future. Hu Yaobang agreed that the methods and ideologies of the 1987 anti-liberalization movement came straight from the Cultural Revolution. But he told his son to gain some historical perspective, and reminded him that Chinese people were not joining in the elite power games as they had 20 years before. He called the anti-liberalization campaign a “medium-sized cultural revolution” and warned that a small cultural revolution would no doubt follow, Hu Dehua told me. As society developed, Hu Yaobang told his son, the middle and little cultural revolutions would gradually fade from history’s stage. It is fortunate, perhaps, that Hu Yaobang could not see how his death in April 1989 triggered an outpouring of public grief at Tiananmen Square, as Chinese students held him up his honesty and humanity in contrast to their perception of other leaders of the time. The protests morphed into a mass demonstration for liberalization and democratization and against growing corruption among children of the political elite. Wen Jiabao remained in charge of the Communist Party Central Office, now working for Hu Yaobang’s increasingly reformist successor, Zhao Ziyang. A famous photo shows Wen standing behind Zhao’s shoulder as his boss declared the haunting words “I’ve come too late” to students who refused to leave the square. Shortly afterward, Deng and the party elders ordered in the tanks, triggering another Cultural Revolution-style convulsion and adding a new bloody file to the Communist Party’s vault of history. Bo Yibo moved to have Wen purged, according to a source whose father was a minister at the time, but other elders were impressed with how Wen shifted his loyalty from Zhao (who spent the rest of his life under house arrest) and supported martial law. Wen played by the rules of a ruthless system, his family — especially his wife and son — leveraged his official status for their own business interests, while his career progression resumed. Hu Yaobang was largely airbrushed from official history after his purge in 1987. But because he did not publicly challenge the Communist Party, he maintained his legacy and his supporters, including all of the current and likely future party chiefs and premiers: Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Xi Jinping, and Li Keqiang. All four regularly visit the Hu family home during Spring Festival. But only Wen Jiabao has publicly honored his mentor’s legacy. Two years ago, on the 21st anniversary of Hu Yaobang’s death, Wen penned an essay in the People’s Daily that was remarkable in a nation whose leaders rarely give any public hint of their personal lives. “What he taught me in those years is engraved on my heart,” wrote Wen. Of the four top leaders who regularly pay homage to Hu Yaobang’s old home, Wen Jiabao has the warmest connection with Hu Yaobang’s widow and four children. Hu taught his children to resist the idea, wired into the Communist Party psyche, that they had any particular hereditary right to high office. Nevertheless the eldest son, Hu Deping, rose to vice minister rank in the United Front Department. And last year he used his princeling heritage and networks to organize and say things that would have banished lesser-born men to jail. He published a book about his father, with a forward written by Wen. He organized a series of closed-door seminars for leading intellectuals and other princeling children of reformist leaders to try and build a consensus for reform. The first and most low-key seminar, in July, ignited what became a raging public debate about Bo Xilai’s “Chongqing Model” versus its possible antidote, the more liberal “Guangdong Model.” The second, in August, celebrated the 35th anniversary of the arrest of Mao’s radical “Gang of Four,” which slammed the door shut on the Cultural Revolution just weeks after Mao’s death in August 1976. The third, in September, explored the 30th anniversary of the 1981 Resolution on History, which had confirmed the Cultural Revolution as a catastrophe that must never occur again. It was at the September gathering that Hu Deping set down the themes that Wen later referred to in his press conference, and published his comments on a website dedicated to chronicling the life and times of his father: “The bottom line is making sure to adopt the attitude of criticizing and fundamentally denouncing the Cultural Revolution … In recent years, for whatever reason, there seems to be a ‘revival’ of something like advocating the Cultural Revolution. Some people cherish it; some do not believe in the Cultural Revolution but nevertheless exploit it and play it up. I think we must guard this bottom line!” The subtext, only barely concealed, was that Bo Xilai must be stopped from dragging Communist Party back toward its most radical, lawless past. How, one could be forgiven for asking, could Bo grasp for power by praising a movement that killed his own mother? Hu Deping honed in on the need to forge mechanisms to institutionalize the power games between party leaders. He told his princeling and intellectual friends in the seminar audience that the remnants of feudal aristocracy — old fashioned despotic power — might again emerge as the party had said it had during the Cultural Revolution. He foreshadowed the ructions that are now taking place: “If we really want to carry out democratization of inner-party political life, the cost is going to be enormous. Do we have the courage to accept that cost? If we do it now, there is a cost certainly. Do we dare to bear the cost? Is now the right time? I cannot say for sure. However, I think it might create some ‘chaos’ in some localities, some temporary ‘chaos’, and some localized ‘chaos’. We should be prepared.” Hu Deping has been stepping forward, with some reluctance, to draw on his father’s legacy to help shape China’s future. He is a member of the standing committee of one of China’s two representative-style bodies and mixes with senior leaders. He discussed the Cultural Revolution with both President Hu Jintao and his expected successor, Xi Jinping, not long before Wen Jiabao’s news conference and Bo Xilai’s demise, according to a source familiar with those conversations. China’s politically engaged population is watching the battle now under way within the Politburo to frame the downfall of Bo Xilai and set the lessons that will shape China’s future. “So far we cannot identify whether Wen Jiabao is representing himself or representing a group,” says a recently retired minister-level official, who had confidently predicted Bo’s sacking to me 10 days before it happened. “Maybe it’s 80 percent himself and 20 percent the group. We still have to watch.” It remains far from clear whether the Communist Party’s webs of patronage and knots of financial and bureaucratic interests can be reformed. But with China’s leftist movement decapitated by the purge of Bo Xilai, and Bo’s critics now talking about his reign of “red terror” after daily revelations of political and physical brutality under his command, Wen has begun to win over some of his many detractors. “In the past I did not have a fully positive view of Wen Jiabao, because he said a lot of things but didn’t deliver,” says a leading media figure with lifelong connections to China’s leadership circle. “Now I realize just to be able to say it, that’s important. To speak up, let the whole world know that he could not achieve anything because he was strangled by the system.” Hu Yaobang’s most faithful protégé, who carried his funeral casket to its final resting place, is building on the groundwork laid by Hu and his children ostensibly to prevent a return of the Cultural Revolution. Wen Jiabao is defending the party line set by Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 historical resolution against attack from the left. Between the lines, however, he is challenging the Communist Party’s 30-year consensus from the liberal right. Hu Dehua, the youngest son, spelled out the gulf between these positions in a rare Chinese media interview one month ago: “The difference between my father and Deng is this: Deng wanted to save the party; my father wanted to save the people, the ordinary people.” Wen Jiabao sees Bo’s downfall as a pivotal opportunity to pin his reformist colors high while the Communist Party is too divided to rein him in. He is reaching out to the Chinese public because the party is losing its monopoly on truth and internal roads to reform have long been blocked. Ironically, he is doing so by leading the public purging of a victim who has no hope of transparent justice, because the party to which he has devoted his life has never known any other way.

The Revenge of Wen Jiabao

 

Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career.

Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different.

Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV.

From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past.

Meanwhile, the New York Times reports on how Bo’s ouster is playing out among different factions of the Communist Party as the leadership prepares for a transition of power later this year:

…The ouster of Bo Xilai, the populist icon formerly in charge of the southwestern megacity of Chongqing, has spurred weeks of frenzied internal politicking and a rare dissenting vote within the Politburo Standing Committee, according to interviews with publishers, academics and analysts tied to the Communist Party’s upper echelons or its powerful families.

They say that the outward calm is tenuous and was achieved only after China’s leadership team of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao appealed to party elders for support and yielded important posts in Chongqing to representatives of other influential political blocs.

“They want everyone to believe that the top level has no problem — that there’s no split and no struggle,” said Jin Zhong, publisher of the influential China-watching magazine Open, in Hong Kong. “But this is a false impression.”

According to people briefed by central party officials, Mr. Bo is being confined to his house in Beijing, watched by the Central Guard Bureau, a unit of the People’s Liberation Army under control of the party’s General Office. He faces a disciplinary investigation over a range of allegations of corruption and abuse of power, these people say. His wife, a noted lawyer, is under more formal detention in connection with some of those allegations.

Now be cool and read the Media Horse Manure, Ain’t Fuckn’ Delicious I was there. I warned you!

If Premier Wen Jiabao is “China’s best actor,” as his critics allege, he saved his finest performance for last. After three hours of eloquent and emotional answers in his final news conference at the National People’s Congress annual meeting this month, Wen uttered his public political masterstroke, reopening debate on one of the most tumultuous events in the Chinese Communist Party’s history and hammering the final nail in the coffin of his great rival, the now-deposed Chongqing Communist Party boss Bo Xilai. And in striking down Bo, Wen got his revenge on a family that had opposed him and his mentor countless times in the past.

Responding to a gently phrased question about Chongqing, Wen foreshadowed Bo’s political execution, a seismic leadership rupture announced the following day that continues to convulse China’s political landscape to an extent not seen since 1989. But the addendum that followed might be even more significant. Indirectly, but unmistakably, Wen defined Bo as man who wanted to repudiate China’s decades-long effort to reform its economy, open to the world, and allow its citizens to experience modernity. He framed the struggle over Bo’s legacy as a choice between urgent political reforms and “such historical tragedies as the Cultural Revolution,” culminating a 30-year battle for two radically different versions of China, of which Bo Xilai and Wen Jiabao are the ideological heirs. In Wen’s world, bringing down Bo is the first step in a battle between China’s Maoist past and a more democratic future as personified by his beloved mentor, 1980s Communist Party chief Hu Yaobang. His words blew open the facade of party unity that had held since the massacres of Tiananmen Square.

This October, the Communist Party will likely execute a once-in-a-decade leadership transition in which President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen hand over to a new team led by current Vice President Xi Jinping. The majority of leaders will retire from the elite Politburo Standing Committee, and the turnover will extend down through lower tiers of the Communist Party, the government, and the military. Wen hopes his words influence who gets key posts, what ideological course they will set, and how history records his own career.

Wen Jiabao and Bo Xilai have long stood out from their colleagues for their striking capacities to communicate and project their individual personalities and ideologies beyond the otherwise monochromatic party machine. The two most popular members of the Politburo, they are also the most polarizing within China’s political elite. They have much in common, including a belief that the Communist Party consensus that has prevailed for three decades — “opening and reform” coupled with uncompromising political control — is crumbling under the weight of inequality, corruption, and mistrust. But the backgrounds, personalities, and political prescriptions of these two crusaders could not be more different.

Bo has deployed his prodigious charisma and political skills to attack the status quo in favor of a more powerful role for the state. He displayed an extraordinary capacity to mobilize political and financial resources during his four and a half year tenure as the head of the Yangtze River megalopolis of Chongqing. He transfixed the nation by smashing the city’s mafia — together with uncooperative officials, lawyers, and entrepreneurs — and rebuilding a state-centered city economy while shamelessly draping himself in the symbolism of Mao Zedong. He sent out a wave of revolutionary nostalgia that led to Mao quotes sent as text messages, government workers corralled to sing “red songs,” and old patriotic programming overwhelming Chongqing TV.

From his leftist or “statist” perch, Bo has been challenging the “opening and reform” side of the political consensus that Deng Xiaoping secured three decades ago. Wen Jiabao, meanwhile, who plays the role of a learned, emphatic, and upright Confucian prime minister, has been challenging the other half of Deng consensus — absolute political control — from the liberal right. He has continuously articulated the need to limit government power through rule of law, justice, and democratization. To do this, he has drawn on the symbolic legacies of the purged reformist leaders he served in the 1980s, particularly Hu Yaobang, whose name he recently helped to “rehabilitate” in official discourse. As every Communist Party leader knows, those who want a stake in the country’s future must first fight for control of its past.

Until last month Bo appeared to hold the cards, with his networks of princelings — the children of high cadres — and the gravitational force of his “Chongqing Model” pulling the nation toward him, while Wen’s efforts had produced few practical results. Bo earned his reputation as a rising star until Feb. 6 when his police chief and right-hand man, Wang Lijun, drove to an appointment at the local British consulate to shake his official minders and then veered off and fled for his life down the highway into the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu. He carried with him allegations of sordid tales of Bo family criminal behavior including in relation to the death of British businessman Neil Heywood, according to Western government officials. In Beijing’s eyes, this was the highest-level known attempted defection in 40 years, and it occurred on Bo’s watch. Wang “betrayed the country and went over to the enemy,” said President Hu Jintao, according to a Chinese intelligence official.

Wen, the son of a lowly teacher, saw his family constantly criticized and attacked during the Cultural Revolution, and rose to power by impressing a series of revolutionary veterans. Bo, in contrast, was born to rule. The son of revolutionary leader Bo Yibo, he studied at the nation’s most prestigious middle school, Beijing No. 4. Bo had not yet turned 17 when a rift between the princeling children and those with “bad class backgrounds” erupted into class warfare. In June 1966, in the early months of the Cultural Revolution, one of Bo’s school mates invented the rhyming ditty that became the anthem for the princelings that led the early Red Guard movement: “The father’s a hero, the son’s a brave lad; the father’s a reactionary, the son’s a bastard.”

The student red guards at Beijing No. 4 turned an old eating hall into a gruesome incarceration chamber for the teachers and other reactionaries they captured. They painted the popular slogan “Long live the red terror” on the wall, in human blood.

Within months, however, Mao directed his Cultural Revolution toward his comrades-in-arms and unleashed a coterie of lesser-born red guards against the old “royalist” ones. Bo Xilai spent six years in a prison cell. His father, Bo Yibo, was tortured. Red Guards abducted Bo’s mother in Guangzhou and murdered her, or she committed suicide; if any records exist, they remain sealed.

Since former leader Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 “Resolution on History,” the Cultural Resolution has officially been a “catastrophe,” but the Communist Party never explained what happened. It was left as little more than a name, signifying bad but unknown things. By raising the specter of the Cultural Revolution, Wen Jiabao has opened a crack in the vault of Communist Party history: that great black box that conceals the struggles, brutality, partial truths and outright fabrications upon which China has built its economic and social transformation. Beneath his carefully layered comments is a profound challenge to the uncompromising manner in which the Chinese Communist Party has always gone about its business. And to grasp what the Cultural Revolution means to Wen Jiabao requires taking a journey through the life of his mentor, the 1980s reformist leader Hu Yaobang who ran the Communist Party in its most vibrant era.

Hu Yaobang was struck down from his job at the helm of the Communist Youth League on Aug. 13, 1966, five days before Chairman Mao presided over the first mass rally of the Cultural Revolution. Detained for six weeks, Red Guards beat and abused him and forced him to stand for hours with a huge wooden placard hanging from his neck and his arms wrenched behind his back. Six weeks later, as they retired for their national holidays, they called Hu’s eighteen year-old son Hu Dehua to pick him up. “I cried when I saw his appearance,” Hu Dehua told me. “He told me ‘don’t be such a good-for-nothing, let’s go home, it doesn’t matter.’”

Hu Yaobang was already back at work when Mao died, in 1976, and the Communist Party united behind the idea of moving on from the Cultural Revolution but lacked any further road map. Appointed head of the powerful Organization Department, Hu led a crusade to “seek truths from facts” — for ideology to yield to reality — and to rehabilitate fallen comrades. Deng, who by 1980 had secured his position as paramount leader, elevated Hu to general secretary of the Communist Party.

By the early 1980s the Communist Party was rapidly retreating from everyday social life. As the economy grew, Chinese people began to enjoy a degree of personal freedoms, but the essential norms of internal party politics remained unchanged. At crucial junctures there were no enforceable rules, no independent arbiters, only power.

In 1985, while most elders had been appointing each other or each other’s children to important positions, Hu Yaobang recruited Wen Jiabao, the teacher’s son, to run his Central Office — a position akin to cabinet secretary. The following year Hu Yaobang’s elder son, Hu Deping, spoke in terms uncannily similar to Wen Jiabao’s of two weeks ago. “The Cultural Revolution was a tragedy,” he said to the then propaganda minister, at a time when his father was at the height of his power. “It will not appear again in the same form, but a cultural revolution once or even twice removed cannot be ruled out from once again recurring.”

Perhaps he had an inkling of what was coming. By 1986 the tensions between an increasingly market-oriented economy and more liberal social environment began to clash with Communist Party elders’ demand for absolute political control. Hu Yaobang tried to limit corruption among the elders’ children, studiously ignored conservative ideological campaigns, and tolerated student protests. By the end of that year the elders had had enough.

Then, as during the Cultural Revolution, and as remains the case today, no rules governed Hu Yaobang’s downfall; just a group of backstage power brokers who judged that he had gone too far. In January 1987, 21 years after his purging in the Cultural Revolution, party elders subjected Hu to a torrid five-day criticism and humiliation session called a “Democratic Party Life meeting.” The harshest of Hu’s critics was Bo Xilai’s father.

Hu Dehua, the youngest son, lives at home with his wife in the same large but rundown courtyard home, just west of Beijing’s closed-off leadership district Zhongnanhai, where he has lived nearly all of his life. His recollections about what the Cultural Revolution meant to his family and his father, Hu Yaobang, informs the story that Wen Jiabao is telling today.

Hu Dehua tells how his father was pained, but not surprised, when Communist Party elders used his own political demise to drive an “anti-bourgeois liberalization” campaign across China. Party apparatchiks instructed Hu Dehua to show his ideological opposition to his own father’s political platform, but he refused.

“It was the same as 1966. If someone was said to be ‘liberalized’, then everyone would line up to criticize them,” Hu Dehua said. “The country was turning back at a time when it should be have been democratizing and transitioning to rule of law.”

Hu Dehua told his father how pessimistic he felt about his country’s future. Hu Yaobang agreed that the methods and ideologies of the 1987 anti-liberalization movement came straight from the Cultural Revolution. But he told his son to gain some historical perspective, and reminded him that Chinese people were not joining in the elite power games as they had 20 years before. He called the anti-liberalization campaign a “medium-sized cultural revolution” and warned that a small cultural revolution would no doubt follow, Hu Dehua told me. As society developed, Hu Yaobang told his son, the middle and little cultural revolutions would gradually fade from history’s stage.

It is fortunate, perhaps, that Hu Yaobang could not see how his death in April 1989 triggered an outpouring of public grief at Tiananmen Square, as Chinese students held him up his honesty and humanity in contrast to their perception of other leaders of the time. The protests morphed into a mass demonstration for liberalization and democratization and against growing corruption among children of the political elite.

Wen Jiabao remained in charge of the Communist Party Central Office, now working for Hu Yaobang’s increasingly reformist successor, Zhao Ziyang. A famous photo shows Wen standing behind Zhao’s shoulder as his boss declared the haunting words “I’ve come too late” to students who refused to leave the square. Shortly afterward, Deng and the party elders ordered in the tanks, triggering another Cultural Revolution-style convulsion and adding a new bloody file to the Communist Party’s vault of history. Bo Yibo moved to have Wen purged, according to a source whose father was a minister at the time, but other elders were impressed with how Wen shifted his loyalty from Zhao (who spent the rest of his life under house arrest) and supported martial law. Wen played by the rules of a ruthless system, his family — especially his wife and son — leveraged his official status for their own business interests, while his career progression resumed.

Hu Yaobang was largely airbrushed from official history after his purge in 1987. But because he did not publicly challenge the Communist Party, he maintained his legacy and his supporters, including all of the current and likely future party chiefs and premiers: Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Xi Jinping, and Li Keqiang. All four regularly visit the Hu family home during Spring Festival. But only Wen Jiabao has publicly honored his mentor’s legacy.

Two years ago, on the 21st anniversary of Hu Yaobang’s death, Wen penned an essay in the People’s Daily that was remarkable in a nation whose leaders rarely give any public hint of their personal lives. “What he taught me in those years is engraved on my heart,” wrote Wen. Of the four top leaders who regularly pay homage to Hu Yaobang’s old home, Wen Jiabao has the warmest connection with Hu Yaobang’s widow and four children.

Hu taught his children to resist the idea, wired into the Communist Party psyche, that they had any particular hereditary right to high office. Nevertheless the eldest son, Hu Deping, rose to vice minister rank in the United Front Department. And last year he used his princeling heritage and networks to organize and say things that would have banished lesser-born men to jail. He published a book about his father, with a forward written by Wen. He organized a series of closed-door seminars for leading intellectuals and other princeling children of reformist leaders to try and build a consensus for reform.

The first and most low-key seminar, in July, ignited what became a raging public debate about Bo Xilai’s “Chongqing Model” versus its possible antidote, the more liberal “Guangdong Model.” The second, in August, celebrated the 35th anniversary of the arrest of Mao’s radical “Gang of Four,” which slammed the door shut on the Cultural Revolution just weeks after Mao’s death in August 1976. The third, in September, explored the 30th anniversary of the 1981 Resolution on History, which had confirmed the Cultural Revolution as a catastrophe that must never occur again.

It was at the September gathering that Hu Deping set down the themes that Wen later referred to in his press conference, and published his comments on a website dedicated to chronicling the life and times of his father: “The bottom line is making sure to adopt the attitude of criticizing and fundamentally denouncing the Cultural Revolution … In recent years, for whatever reason, there seems to be a ‘revival’ of something like advocating the Cultural Revolution. Some people cherish it; some do not believe in the Cultural Revolution but nevertheless exploit it and play it up. I think we must guard this bottom line!”

The subtext, only barely concealed, was that Bo Xilai must be stopped from dragging Communist Party back toward its most radical, lawless past. How, one could be forgiven for asking, could Bo grasp for power by praising a movement that killed his own mother?

Hu Deping honed in on the need to forge mechanisms to institutionalize the power games between party leaders. He told his princeling and intellectual friends in the seminar audience that the remnants of feudal aristocracy — old fashioned despotic power — might again emerge as the party had said it had during the Cultural Revolution. He foreshadowed the ructions that are now taking place:

“If we really want to carry out democratization of inner-party political life, the cost is going to be enormous. Do we have the courage to accept that cost? If we do it now, there is a cost certainly. Do we dare to bear the cost? Is now the right time? I cannot say for sure. However, I think it might create some ‘chaos’ in some localities, some temporary ‘chaos’, and some localized ‘chaos’. We should be prepared.”

Hu Deping has been stepping forward, with some reluctance, to draw on his father’s legacy to help shape China’s future. He is a member of the standing committee of one of China’s two representative-style bodies and mixes with senior leaders. He discussed the Cultural Revolution with both President Hu Jintao and his expected successor, Xi Jinping, not long before Wen Jiabao’s news conference and Bo Xilai’s demise, according to a source familiar with those conversations. China’s politically engaged population is watching the battle now under way within the Politburo to frame the downfall of Bo Xilai and set the lessons that will shape China’s future.

“So far we cannot identify whether Wen Jiabao is representing himself or representing a group,” says a recently retired minister-level official, who had confidently predicted Bo’s sacking to me 10 days before it happened. “Maybe it’s 80 percent himself and 20 percent the group. We still have to watch.”

It remains far from clear whether the Communist Party’s webs of patronage and knots of financial and bureaucratic interests can be reformed. But with China’s leftist movement decapitated by the purge of Bo Xilai, and Bo’s critics now talking about his reign of “red terror” after daily revelations of political and physical brutality under his command, Wen has begun to win over some of his many detractors.

“In the past I did not have a fully positive view of Wen Jiabao, because he said a lot of things but didn’t deliver,” says a leading media figure with lifelong connections to China’s leadership circle. “Now I realize just to be able to say it, that’s important. To speak up, let the whole world know that he could not achieve anything because he was strangled by the system.”

Hu Yaobang’s most faithful protégé, who carried his funeral casket to its final resting place, is building on the groundwork laid by Hu and his children ostensibly to prevent a return of the Cultural Revolution. Wen Jiabao is defending the party line set by Deng Xiaoping’s 1981 historical resolution against attack from the left. Between the lines, however, he is challenging the Communist Party’s 30-year consensus from the liberal right.

Hu Dehua, the youngest son, spelled out the gulf between these positions in a rare Chinese media interview one month ago: “The difference between my father and Deng is this: Deng wanted to save the party; my father wanted to save the people, the ordinary people.”

Wen Jiabao sees Bo’s downfall as a pivotal opportunity to pin his reformist colors high while the Communist Party is too divided to rein him in. He is reaching out to the Chinese public because the party is losing its monopoly on truth and internal roads to reform have long been blocked. Ironically, he is doing so by leading the public purging of a victim who has no hope of transparent justice, because the party to which he has devoted his life has never known any other way.

Apple’s Contracting Manufacturer FoxConn Devastating Chinese Slave Workers to commit suicide. As Machines repeat same monotonous motion thousands Times. Poverty Wages, Excessive Forced Overtime. Mercilessly Apple Carping Intellectual Property Protection

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Apple’s Contracting Manufacturer FoxConn Devastating Chinese Slave Workers to commit suicide. As Machines repeat same monotonous motion thousands Times. Poverty Wages, Excessive Forced Overtime. Mercilessly Apple Carping Intellectual Property Protection

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Apple’s Contracting Manufacturer FoxConn… by alakhtal

No Cheese Country Coup d’état

 

China’s Power Struggle
Is a Dangerous Divide Opening Between Beijing Leaders?
By Wieland Wagner AFP
For weeks, China’s communist leaders have been embroiled in a bitter power struggle that could jeopardize a carefully planned transition in the national leadership and the course charted by more moderate reformers. Although the state has tried to keep the feuding under wraps, the Internet is awash with rumors — including those of a possible coup.
The 7 p.m. news isn’t one of the best parts of Chinese state television. Two newscasters, a man and a woman, stiffly rattle off the achievements of the nine members of the Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China, including stories about the model companies they have visited and the mines they have toured. They read off the names of the workers who have received awards from the party leaders, and of the state guests being received by leaders in Beijing.
Still, last week, many Chinese paid close attention to the evening propaganda ritual, searching for signs indicating which of China’s leaders are still in power in Beijing.
There had been rumors and speculation about a possible coup, prompting many to wonder whether President and party leader Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao would even appear on the screen. Or would the newscast suddenly show other top officials?
The rest of the world, alarmed by reports from bloggers, also looked to China with concern. The country has enjoyed enviable successes for the last three decades. It has become the world’s second-largest economy, it now has the largest foreign currency reserves (about $3.2 trillion, or €2.4 trillion) and it controls the most dynamic growth market in the world — and one that German industries are increasingly dependent on.
Some Western businesspeople have even come to believe that the Chinese economic miracle is proof of the superiority of its authoritarian system. They have raved that the Chinese — unlike their counterparts in the West — don’t waste time in endless debates but, instead, make quick and clear decisions, thereby enabling them to govern more efficiently. And hasn’t it been true, they have argued, that the top political players are selected much more carefully and are not brought into senior government positions until they have proven their worth in the provinces?
It certainly seemed that way. But, in reality, China’s communist leaders have been embroiled in bitter power struggles for weeks, the details of which are only gradually reaching the outside world.
It is also becoming clear that the supposed competitive advantages of the Chinese one-party dictatorship — with no freely elected parliament, no independent judiciary, no meddlesome press — could become the biggest threat to the stability of this country of 1.3 billion people.
Rumors of a Coup
Last week’s uncertainty was triggered by rumors of a coup, which appeared online on the night of Monday, March 19, via the migroblogging website Sina Weibo, the Chinese version of Twitter. Although government censors quickly deleted the messages, they had already been rapidly disseminated.
Bloggers reported that gunshots had been heard on the edge of Zhongnanhai, the downtown Beijing neighborhood surrounded by high walls in which Chinese leaders live and work. They also described sightings of military vehicles on Changan Avenue, the long parade route along the Forbidden City and the Great Hall of the People.
Life seemed to be proceeding normally in Beijing, and many of the photos posted online of allegedly sighted tanks subsequently turned out to be old. Nevertheless, a state of emergency prevailed on the Internet in China. For instance, anyone searching for key words or phrases, such as “gunfire” or “Changan Avenue,” got the following message: “These terms are not being displayed in accordance with the applicable laws, regulations and political guidelines.”
Still, in posting these statements, the censors merely fueled additional speculation over what was happening in the government district. According to websites run by Chinese exiles, Zhou Yongkang, 69, a leading Poliburo official in charge of the police and judiciary, had been neutralized by his rival, party leader Hu, who enjoys the support of the military.
The security chief was mentioned in the TV news on Thursday, but it was unusually brief and without a photo. Like so many things in Beijing, his future has seemed uncertain.
A Leadership Shake-Up
The Chinese capital hasn’t experienced a power struggle like the one now underway since the bloody suppression of the democracy movement in Tiananmen Square in 1989. At the time, there were also deep divisions within the country’s communist leadership.
The current showdown threatens to jeopardize the carefully planned change in the party and national leadership. Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, 58, is expected to succeed Hu as party leader in the fall and replace him as president in March 2013.
The shake-up had been prepared for so long that it didn’t seem to be in jeopardy. On the other hand, China’s communists have only managed to achieve a smooth transition of power once since the death of Chairman Mao Zedong in 1976. That was in 2002, when the current Communist Party leader took office.
This fall, however, seven of the nine positions on the Politburo Standing Committee are to be filled with new people. This is almost more important than the presidential succession because it is this committee that ultimately sets the agenda in China. Even the president and party leader has to negotiate compromises within the committee.
Seeking to Avoid a ‘Historical Tragedy’
The tussle over the replacement of the seven members has been going on for months. On March 15, one of the most promising candidates for a top post withdrew, albeit involuntarily. The Beijing leadership deposed Bo Xilai, 62, the popular party chairman in Chongqing, a city of 32 million on the Yangtze River in central China.
The ambitious and charismatic Bo’s fall from grace came as a surprise because he is considered a “princeling.” His father became one of China’s “immortal” revolutionaries after making a name for himself fighting the Japanese. His son Bo encouraged the citizens of Chongqing to revive the custom of singing revolutionary songs in the city’s parks. He had thousands of corrupt officials and underworld figures arrested. And he helped the poor by forgiving their school fees and providing them with inexpensive apartments.
Conservatives in the Communist Party applauded Bo, believing that he could resolve the contradictions of communist state capitalism, especially widespread corruption and the growing chasm between the rich and the poor.
But moderate reformers, such as Premier Wen Jiabao, saw the Chongqing-based populist as a new Mao, a dictator who could threaten them and their families’ business interests. Speaking on the day before Bo was deposed, Wen said that China had reached a “critical stage.” “Without a successful political structural reform, it is impossible for us to fully institute economic structural reform, and the gains we have made in this area may be lost,” Wen said. In fact, he added that, if China could not get to the root of its problems, it might experience another “historical tragedy like the Cultural Revolution.”
The assessment by a Chinese academic in a US diplomatic cable that was disclosed by WikiLeaks in 2010 shows how deeply Bo had alarmed the party bosses in Beijing. According to the academic, in an effort to make himself politically unassailable, Bo had even denounced his own father during the Cultural Revolution. As the professor stated in his assessment, since the Chinese value family ties above all else, many viewed Bo as a “base traitor.”
The Wang Lijun Affair
In addition to quarreling over positions, Beijing’s leaders are also at odds over the future positioning of the superpower. Should China be more “revolutionary” again — that is, more directed from above — as Bo demonstrated in Chongqing? Or should the party embark on reforms leading in the direction of a constitutional state, as the southern province of Guangdong, a key center of the country’s export industries, is currently practicing with the support of party leader Hu and Premier Wen?
Although personal and political issues are difficult to separate in this power struggle, a public contest to determine the best arguments has so far been avoided. Instead, Hu, Wen and their supporters employed a tried-and-true method for eliminating the upstart from Chongqing: corruption charges.
An incident in early February provided the necessary excuse. At the time, Wang Lijun, Bo’s recently demoted vice-mayor and police chief, had fled to the US Consulate in Chengdu because he allegedly wanted to seek asylum. But the effort fizzled, and he only stayed in the consulate for a single day. The former official is now being questioned in Beijing, where he has reportedly provided authorities with incriminating material about Bo and his family.
Whether the ousted “princeling” will be put on trial or relegated to a more minor position within the party was still unclear last Friday. Bo has powerful allies in Beijing, including Zhou Yongkang, the chief of security in the Politburo who, according to rumors among Chinese bloggers, has now been deposed. To fool the Internet censors, net activists have made a code name out of the last character in his name. They refer to him as “Kang Shifu,” the name of a Chinese brand of instant noodles.
Trusting the Internet More than the State
And what is Xi Jinping saying, the man who — at least at the moment — is in line to become the next party leader and president? He has remained tight-lipped on where he intends to take China. Such is consistent with the approach he has used to climb to the top of the party: not attracting attention and not making enemies.
Granted, this is a recipe that has proven effective in the past, as was also the case with censorship. But how effective is this approach today, when an alternative to the government’s propaganda — and one accessible to millions of Chinese — has taken shape on the Internet? And when there are two versions of the truth?
The most recent events must even give a man like Xi pause. The Communist Party is beginning to have trouble maintaining secrecy on issues of personnel and power. Too much information is leaked, and it rapidly spreads online.
Meanwhile, the party remains silent, which only fuels additional speculation. Even when Zhou was shown on television on Friday, many bloggers were unimpressed: “It’s all an illusion, full of twists and turns,” one blogger wrote.
Indeed, many Chinese have become so cynical that they don’t even trust the party media, such as state-run television, when they actually are telling the truth. But they do believe every rumor on the Internet.
Perhaps that was why they still didn’t know, at the end of last week, what was actually happening in their country.